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A  CONCISE  HISTORY. 


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A 

CONCISE   HISTORY, 

or  THE  EFFORTS  TO  OBTAIH  A5 

EXTENSION  OE  SUFFRAGE 

IN    RHODE    ISLAND; 


FROM  THE  YEAK 


ii^aa  ^c2>  a^<ck^» 


By  JACOB  FRIEZE. 

hi 


*, 


PROVIDENCE  : 
BENJAMIN  F.  MOORE,  PRINTER. 

1842. 


,?•?' 


■fs 


■'*'t 


COPY-RIGHT  SECURED. 


PREFACE. 


The  object  of  the  writer,  in  this  little  and 
unpretending  volume,  has  been,  to  make  a 
plain  and  simple  statement  of  facts.  If  he 
has  failed  to  do  so,  the  failure  has  been  un- 
intentional. 


'> 


CONCISE   HISTORY. 


*% 


CONCISE  HISTORY. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Civil  government  is  an  institution  designed  for  the 
mutual  safety  and  protection  of  mankind,  and  for  the 
promotion  of  that  mutual  happiness,  for  which  an 
all-wise  and  benevolent  Creator  appears  to  have 
intended  his  creatures.  That  all  men  are  by  nature 
free  and  equal,  is  an  axiom  in  phylosophy  which  no 
one  will  controvert,  and  which  all  liberal  and  enlight- 
ened statesmen  freely  admit  without  question.  It  is  a 
maxim  which  constitutes  the  basis  of  all  democratic 
republics,  and  which  is  fully  recognised  as  the  great 
fundamental  principle  of  the  government  of  these 
United  States.  Because  all  men  are  by  nature  free 
and  equal,  and  because  a  free  government  is  designed 
for  mutual  protection,  safety,  and  happiness,  such  a 
government  must  be  a  mutual  compact  or  covenant 
among  equals  ;  and  hence  the  republican  maxim,"  that 
all  the  rightful  powers  of  government  are  derived 
from  the  people,  and  are  to  be  exercised  for  their 
good. 

But   government   is    also   an    affair   of   necessity. 
With  the  complete  natural  freedom  with  which  man 
I 


CONCISE    HISTORV. 


comes  into  the  world,  with  a  consciousness  of  perfect 
equality  among  the  entire  human  family,  and  with  the 
infirmities  to  which  all  are  suhject,  neither  safety  nor 
happiness  could  long  exist  without  an  organization  in 
some  form,  and  a  controlling  sovereign  power  lodged 
somewhere,  to  reduce  the  body  to  obedience  to  such 
rules  as  might  appear  best  calculated  to  advance  the 
great  object  of  human  existence.  If  the  God  of 
nature  has  made  all  men  free  and  equal,  so  has  he 
implanted  a  rule  of  action  in  the  human  breast,  by 
which  all  men  are  bound  to  respect  the  rights  and  to 
promote  the  happiness  of  each  other.  But,  as 
men  seein  inclined  to  overstep  that  rule  to  gratify 
their  selfish  propensities,  and  thereby  step  aside  from 
the  rule  of  right,  the  necessity  becomes  obvious,  to 
associate  together  in  bodies  politic,  in  which,  by 
mutual  agreement,  the  power  shall  be  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a  few,  to  make  and  enforce  laws  for  the 
government  of  the  many.  That  government,  and 
that  power,  however,  are  not  created  for  the  benefit 
alone  of  those  to  whom  they  are  entrusted.  Tiieir 
object  is  the  public  good  — or,  as  Burlamaqui  happily 
expresses  it,  "for  the  good  of  the  whole  in  general, 
and  of  every  individual  in  particular. ^^  No  one  will 
doubt  the  necessity  of  government.  It  is  not  a  mere 
matter  of  choice  of  the  few  or  the  many.  It  is  a 
matter  of  right  and  necessity  due  to  each  and  every 
individual ;  because  it  is  the  right  of  every  one  to  be 
protected  against  the  violence  of  every  other  one,  and 
to  pursue  measures,  without  impediment,  to  promote 
his  own   happiness,  provided   he  do  not  inflict  injury 


CONCISE    HISTORTt 


on  others.  This  necessity  creates  in  the  majority,  the 
right  to  impose  laws  on  the  minority  ;  and  it  confers 
on  that  majority,  the  authority  to  enforce  those  laws  ; 
—  Provided  always,  that  the  minority  shall  enjoy 
safety  and  protection  with  the  majority,  and  suffer  no 
curtailment  of  privileges,  but  what  the  welfare  of  the 
whole  may  demand. 

If  this  view  be  correct,  it  will  at  once  be  seen, 
that,  when  a  majority  of  members  of  the  body  politic 
become  dissatisfied  with  the  form  and  principles  of 
their  government,  and  convinced  that  it  does  not  tend 
to  the  object  for  which  governments  are  or  should  be 
erected,  they  have  the  undoubted  right  to  effect  a 
change.  This  principle  is  theoretically  recognised  in 
the  American  Constitutions,  as  a  necessary  attribute 
of  the  popular  sovereignty.  But  there  is  a  principle 
paramount  even  to  this ;  and  which  must,  in  all  cases, 
be  allowed  to  take  precedence  of  it.  The  social  tie, 
the  basis  of  all  government,  must  never  be  dissolved 
nor  impaired,  except  in  compliance  with  absolute 
necessity  ;'  because,  by  such  an  act,  anarchy  is  ere- 
ated,  and  the  public  weal  endangered.  AH  revolu- 
tions dissolve  the  existing  restraints  or  impair  them, 
and  weaken  the  respect  for  government,  and  laws ; 
and  no  man  can  bear  and  discharge  the  awful  respon- 
sibility, for  the  terrible  evils  that  may  intervene 
between  the  demolition  of  one  government,  and 
the  erection  of  another,  by  revolutionary  movements. 
As  the  first  formation  of  government  is  a  matter  of 
absolute  necessity,  so  should  a  revolution  be ;  and  so 
it  must  be  in  order  to  its  justification.      No  act  of 


8  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

violence  to  effect  a  change  against  the  wishes  of  even 
a  small  minority,  can  ever  be  justified,  as  long  as  a 
hope  remains  of  effecting  that  change  in  a  legal  and 
peaceable  manner,  and  after  a  long  and  patient  for- 
bearance under  oppression.  Such  were  the  views 
and  feelings  of  our  revolutionary  sires,  as  set  forth  by 
them  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  They 
plead  their  long  and  patient  suffering,  and  the  abso- 
lute refusal  of  the  mother  country  to  listen  to  their 
humble  petitions,  memorials,  and  remonstrances.  And 
it  was  after  all  these  had  failed,  and  after  the  mother 
country  had  prepared  to  demand  and  enforce  her 
oppressive  laws  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  at 
the  cannon's  mouth,  that  the  cord  was  severed  which 
bound  her  American  colonies  to  allegiance.  Thus 
was  the  necessity  for  revolution  made  apparent.  A 
necessity  not  originating  in  the  fact  that  the  American 
colonies  were  oppressed,  but  in  the  absolute  refusal  of 
the  mother  country  to  remove  the  hand  of  oppression, 
the  actual  employment  of  force,  and  even  the  shed- 
ding of  blood,  to  enforce  her  arbitrary  and  oppressive 
laws,  and  the  consequent  conclusion,  that,  resistance 
must  be  opposed  to  tyranny,  or  the  fetters  of  slavery 
worn  by  the  American  people.  On  this  ground 
alone,  was  the  American  Revolution  justifiable.  But, 
at  the  time  the  Declaration  of  American  Independ- 
ence was  put  forth,  and  when  the  patriotic  colonists 
were  treading  the  battle-field  in  hostile  array,  had 
there  been  a  body  of  commissioners  appointed  by  the 
British  government,  actually  in  session  to  consider  our 
grievances,  to  consult  the  wishes  of  the   people,  and 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  9 

to  devise  modes  of  redress,  who  would  have  consid- 
ered the  measures*  of  the  colonists  any  thing  better 
than  rebellion  and  treason  ?  The  necessity  for  revo- 
lution would  not  and  could  not  have  existed,  till  it 
should  have  been  known  that  redress  was  finally  and 
fully  refused.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  could  violent 
measures  be  justified.  It  was  otherwise  —  and  for 
that  reason  only,  our  revolutionary  fathers  became 
patriots  and  heroes,  who  else  would  have  been  rebels 
and  traitors.  Burke  says,  "  It  is  the  first  and  supreme 
necessity  only,  a  necessity  that  is  not  chosen,  but 
chooses  —  a  necessity  paramount  to  deliberation  ;  that 
admits  no  discussion  ;.  and  demands  no  evidence, 
which  alone  can  justify  a  resort  to  anarchy." 


CHAPTER   II. 


I  have  offered  the  foregoing  preliminary  remarks, 
because  there  are  many  people  at  home  and  abroad, 
who  appear  to  consider  the  late  attempt  at  revolution 
in  Rhode  Island,  to  be  analagous,  if  not  parallel,  to 
that  which  proved  so  eminently  succfessful  in  the  days 
that  "tried  men's  souls;"  and  by  which,  the  Ameri- 
can colonies  became  free  and  Independent  States.  A 
candid  and  impartial  statement  of  facts  in  the  follow- 
ing pages,  will  enable  the  reader  to  compare  the  two 
cases,  and  to  judge  for  himself  how  far  they  resemble 
each  other.  •  And,  in  order  to  refresh  the  memory,  it 
1* 


10  CONCISE    HISTORY 

may  be  found  necessary,  occasionally,  to  refer  back, 
and  to  compare  notes  as  we  proceed. 

Tt  will  not  be  deemed  necessary,  in  this  brief  epi- 
tome, to  go  into  a  labored  history  of  the  Rhode  Island 
government.  But  it  will  be  expedient,  in  order  to 
have  the  whole  case  before  us,  and  to  correct  false 
impressions,  to  advert  to  some  of  its  most  prominent 
portions  and  features. 

The  fact  is  well  and  universally  known,  that  the 
only  written  fundamental  law  of  the  Slate,  is,  the 
Colonial  Charter  granted  by  Charles  2nd,  King  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  year  166?.  So  much  of  that 
Charier  as  is  necessary  to  the  present  purpose, 
because  it  involves  the  main  questions  now  at  issue, 
is  as  follows  :  — 

"And  further,  we  do,  of  our  especial  grace,  certain 
knowledge,  and  mere  motion,  give  and  grant  unto  the 
said  Governor  and  Company  of  the  English  colony 
of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  in  New 
England,  in  America,  and  their  successors,  that  the 
Governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  or  by  his  permission,  the 
Deputy  Governor  of  the  said  Company,  for  the  time 
being,  the  Assistants,  and  such  of  the  freemen  of  the 
said  Company  as  shall  be  so  as  aforesaid  elected  or 
deputed,  or  so  many  of  them  as  shall  be  present  at 
such  meeting  or  assembly,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  called 
the  General  Assembly  ;  and  that  they,  or  the  greatest 
part  of  them  then  present,  whereof  the  Governor  or 
Deputy  Governor,  and  six  of  the  Assistants,  at  least 
to  be  seven,  shall  have,  and  have  hereby  given  and 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  11 

granted  unto  them,  full  power  and  authority,  from 
time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  to  appoint, 
alter  and  change,  such  days,  times  and  places  of 
meeting  and  General  Assembly,  as  they  shall  think 
fit;  and  to  choose,  nominate  and  appoint,  such  and 
so  many  other  persons  as  they  shall  think  fit,  and 
shall  be  willing  to  accept  the  same,  to  be  free  of  the 
said  Company  and  body  politic,  and  them  into  the 
same  to  admit. " 

By  the  above  quotation,  it  will  be  seen  that  there 
was  no  other  qualification  prescribed  for  a  freeman  or 
voter,  than  his  admission  as  such,  by  those  who  were 
freemen  or  voters  already.  As  they  were  to  admit 
those  whom  they  might  think  proper,  it  followed  of 
course  that  they  were  at  liberty,  if  they  saw  fit,  to 
prescribe  an  uniform  qualification  to  entitle  a  man  to 
be  admitted  free,  and  to  exclude  all  others ;  and  this 
right  was  conceded  to  them,  as  one  of  the  essential 
rights  of  a  body  corporate.  No  doubt,  at  that  period 
and  long  after,  nearly  every  member  of  the  community 
was  a  freeholder ;  and  it  was  not  till  a  long  pe- 
riod after  the  charter  was  granted,  that  the  freehold 
qualification  was  required  by  law,  to  entitle  a  man  to 
be  "admitted  free  of  said  company."  And  very  pro- 
bably that  law  was  enacted  as  a  necessary  measure  of 
safety,  in  consequence  of  the  influx  of  emigrants  from 
abroad,  whom,  without  responsibility,  and  without 
character,  mere  itinerant  fortune  hunters,  it  was  deem- 
ed unsafe  to  admit  to  a  participation  in  the  affairs  of 
the  government.     However  this  may  have  been,  and 


12  CONCISE     HISTORY. 

whoever  may  have  considered  himself  outraged  by  be- 
ing thus  deprived  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  there  cannot 
be  the  shadow  of  a  doubt,  that  a  very  large  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  colony '  were  freeholders  at  the 
time,  and,  in  accordance  even  with  the  doctrine  of 
the  present  day,  had  the  right  to  govern,  till  they  were 
outnumbered. 

But  the  American  Revolution  opened  a  new  era. 
The  royal  authority  over  the  colony,  was  repudiated, 
and  Rhode  Island  became  a  free,  sovereign,  and  inde- 
pendent state.  Most  of  the  other  states  proceeded  to 
make  and  adopt  constitutions  of  government,  as  they 
had  the  right  to  do.  But  Rhode  Island  continued,  as 
she  had  the  right  also  to  do,  under  her  colonial  charter, 
changing  only  her  title,  from  colony,  to  state,  and 
modifying  her  laws.  I  say  Rhode  Island  had  the 
right  to  do  this,  because  a  majority  of  the  people  ap- 
peared to  have  preferred  it,  and  the  minority  to  have 
acquiesced  in  it.  And  this  fact  is  evident,  because  no 
attempt  at  a  change  was  made.  It  is  also  certain,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  the  question  was  not  put  to  the 
people  of  the  state,  whether  they  would  continue  un- 
der the  old  form  of  government,  or  institute  a  new  one; 
at  least  there  is  no  record  of  such  a  procedure  now  in 
existence,  and  no  recollections  of  such  an  one  is  pre- 
served. It  is  not  the  business  of  the  writer  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  course  pursued  was  in'itself  right  or 
wrong — whether  the  non-freeholder  had  or  not  the 
right  to  demand  a  constitution,  and  the  privilege  to  ex- 
ercise the  elective  franchise.  It  would  seem  that  no 
such  demand  was  made,  and  as  those  who  possess  the 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  13 

political  power  seldom  relinquish  it  of  their  own  accord 
the  landholders  still  retained  it  unquestioned,  and  con- 
tinued the  exercise  of  the  governmental  powers  under 
the  original  system,  as  though  no  other  change  had 
occurred,  except  that  of  transferring  the  sovereignty 
from  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  to  the  freeholders  of 
Rhode  Island.  Thus  the  form  and  principles  of  gov- 
ernment established  by  virtue  of  the  Royal  prerogative, 
over  a  dependent  colony,  became  by  prescription  or 
asage  those  of  the  sovereign  state.  With  this  govern- 
ment in  operation,  and  without  question  or  objection, 
Rhode  Island  became  a  member  of  the  Federal  Union, 
under  the  constitution  which  requires  of  the  United 
States  to  guarantee  to  each  State,  a  republican  form  of 
government.  That  this  government  was  considered 
legitimate  and  republican  by  the  Federal  Government, 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  because,  under  it,  the  state  was 
admitted  into  the  Union.  That  the  people  of  the 
state  so  considered  it,  must  be  taken  for  granted,  be- 
cause they  did  not  protest  against  it  at  the  time,  and 
submitted  to  it  without  complaint.  That  the  law  of 
suffrage,  and  the  representative  apportionment,  had 
become  somewhat  unequal  and  illiberal  at  the  time, 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  nor  is  it  more  questionable 
that  the  inequality  has  increased.  Still  as  it  is  con- 
ceded that  the  majority  must  govern,  the  minority,  if 
they  felt  aggrieved;  had  no  other  means  of  redress  than 
to  await  the  change  of  public  opinion  in  their  favor ; 
and,  meantime  the  government  under  the  charter  be- 
ing sustained  by  the  major  j)ortion  of  the  people,  was 
as  fully  binding  on  the  minority  as  though  it  had  been 


14  CONCISE    HISTORy. 

adopted  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  entire  popula- 
tion of  the  state. 

Times  and  circumstances,  have,  Iiowever,  in  some 
respects,  undergone  a  change.  For  nearly  forty  years 
past,  a  portion  of  the  people  of  the  stale  have  been 
restless  and  uneasy  under  the  laws  which  denied  them 
the  ri<fht  of  franchise.  No  direct  measure  however, 
it  is  believed,  was  adopted  to  effect  a  change  in  their 
favor,  till  the  year,  1811,  when  a  bill  was  introduced 
into  the  State  Senate,  for  that  purpose.  This  was  a 
strict  party  movement.  In  the  spring  of  that  year, 
the  Republican  party  had  elected  the  Governor,  Lt. 
Governor,  and  Senate,  and  a  majority  of  the  members 
of  the  other  House.  At  the  June  session  of  that  year, 
a  bill  was  prepared  for  the  extension  of  suffrage ;  and 
arrangements  were  made  to  carry  it  through.*  By 
some  means  however,  it  was  not  presented.  At  the 
October  session  following,  the  Fedeial  party  had  ob- 
tained the  ascendancy  in  the  House,  and  in  which 
body  the  bill  was  defeated  after  it  had  passed  the  Sen- 
ate. Thus  ended  the  first  serious  attempt,  by  legisla- 
tive means,  to  extend  the  elective  franchise  to  the  non- 
freeholders.  The  subject  was  subsequently  revived, 
and  occasionally  discuss^  by  the  citizens  among  them- 
selves, and  also  at  times  in  the  columns  of  the 
public  papers.  Little  or  nothing  however  ap- 
pears to  have  been  done,  until  the  year  1824 ;  when 
a  convention  was  directed,  by  the  General  Assembly, 
to  be  called  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  written  con- 
stitution of  State  Government.  The  Delegates  to  that 
body  were  elected  by  the  freemen,  or  qualified  voters, 

*See  Appendix. 


CONCISE     HISTORY.  15 

including  only  freeholders  and  their  eldest  sons.  The 
body  convened  June  21,  1824;  and  closed  its  labors 
and  adjourned  on  the  30lh  of  the  same  month. 

The  great  complaint  by  a  portion  of  the  freemen^ 
especially  of  Providence  county  against  the  existing 
form  of  government,  then,  as  now,  was  the  inequality 
of  the  Representation  in  the  Lower  House  of  the  As- 
sembly. The  same  apportionment  had  been  continu- 
ed from  the  date  of  the  colonial  charter,  nearly  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years.  It  had  no  regard  to  the  fu- 
ture increase  of  population,  or  change  of  circumstances; 
but,  by  an  arbitrary  rule,  gave  to  each*town  its  num- 
ber of  Representatives,  without  the  authority  to  effect 
a  change,  in  all  time  to  come.  That  rule,  at  the  time 
it  w-as  first  adopted,  was  probably  very  nearly  correct 
in  principle.  It  gave  to  Newport,  then  the  commer- 
cial emporium  of  tlie  colony,  six  Representatives;  and 
to  Providence,  then  a  secondary  village,  four.  To 
Warwick  and  Portsmouth  it  alsa  gave  four,  each,  and 
to  each  other  town,  two.  But,  in  process  of  time  a 
great  change  had  taken  place  as  to  population.  In 
1824,  the  population  of  Providence  was  more  than 
double  that  of  ]New|iort.  Many  tow ns  entitled  by  the 
charter,  to  two  Representatives  each,  had  acquired  a 
population  more  tlian  double  the  number  in  Ports- 
mouth which  sent  four;  and  three  times  as  great  as 
some,  and  four  or  five  times  as  great  as  others,  which  al- 
so sent  two  each.  So  great  in  fact  had  the  inequality 
become,  that  the  county  of  Providence,  furnishing  but 
twenty-two  Representatives  out  of  seventy-two,  in- 
cluded ten  towns  out  of  ihirty-one,  and  three-fifths  of 


16  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

the  entire  population  of  the  State.  The  convention 
framed  and  gave  out  a  constitution  designed  measura- 
bly to  correct  this  alleged  evil.  It  provided  that  each 
town  having  3,000  inhabitants,  and  less  than  5,000, 
should  elect  three  Representatives.  That  each  town, 
having  5,000,  and  less  than  8,000,  should  elect  4  — 
That  each  town  having  8,000,  and  less  than  12,000, 
should  elect  5-  That  each  town  having  12,000,  and 
under  17,000  should  elect  7  —  And  that  no  town 
should  send  less  than  two  Representatives,  nor  more 
than  seven.  The  freehold  qualification  was  retained, 
which  requires  the  ownership  of  real  estate  to  the  val- 
ue of  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars,  or  of  the 
annual  value  of  seven  dollars  ;  and  the  right  of  fran- 
chise of  the  eldest  son  without  the  freehold  qualifica- 
tions, was  cut  off. 

In  most  of  the  towns,  if  not  all,  whose  representa- 
tion was  to  be  unfavorably  affected  by  the  proposed 
change,  there  was  a  very  strong  opposition  to  it ;  so 
that,  out  of  the  twenty  one  towns  in  all  but  Providence 
county,  only  three  gave  a  majority  for  it,  and  they 
were  Bristol  and  Warren,  which  would  have  gained 
by  it,  and  Barrington,  which  it  would  not  have  affect- 
ed, Foster  and  Scituate,  Cranston  and  Burrillville, 
all  in  the  county  of  Providence,  also  gave  heavy  ma- 
jorities against  it,  partly  perhaps  from  a  reluctance 
common  to  a  large  body  of  the  freemen,  to  any  inno- 
vation on  the  old  system,  and  partly  from  jealousy  of 
the  influence  of  the  city  of  Providence. 

From  these  causes,  and  probably  in  part  from  others, 
the  constitution  was  rejected  by  a  comparatively  large 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  17 

majority,  as  appears  by  the  official  returns ;  which  for 
reference,  we  give  below. 


Yes. 

No. 

Yes. 

No. 

Newport, 

5 

531 

Charlestown, 

000 

75 

Providence, 

653 

26 

Glocester, 

85 

30 

Portsmouth, 

000 

183 

West  Greenwich, 

1 

173 

Warwick, 

67 

160 

Coventry, 

71 

195 

Westerly, 

12 

68 

Exeter, 

000 

114 

New  Shoreham, 

2 

49 

Middletown, 

2 

96 

North  Kingstown, 

6 

207 

Bristol, 

K)0 

24 

South  Kingstown 

47  - 

100 

Tiverton, 

13 

96 

East  Greenwich 

30 

80 

Little  Compton, 

6 

91 

Jamestown, 

6 

16 

Warren 

57 

28 

Smitiifield, 

123 

18 

Cumberland, 

140 

14 

Scituate, 

18 

234 

Richmond, 

000 

90 

Cranston, 

36 

52 

Johnston, 

58 

13 

Hopkinton, 

5 

69 

North  Providence, 

64 

10 

Barrington, 

21 

12 

Foster, 

4 

232 

Burrillville, 

27 

37 

Total  —  for  the  constitution  1668 — Against  it, 
3,206  —  making  a  majority  against  it,  of  1538  votes. 
The  vote,  it  will  be  seen,  is  small,  and  probably  not 
one  half  as  large  as  might  have  been  cast.  The  ques- 
tion however  was  not  to  be  put  to  rest  by  such  means. 
But  a  short  period  had  elapsed  after  the  quietus  had 
been  given  to  the  constitution  of  1824,  before  the  sub- 
ject was  again  brought  up  ;  or  rather  before  the  flame 
which  had  only  been  partially  smothered,  broke  out 
afresh.  It  would  be  of  but  little  interest  to  the  reader 
to  trace  the  progress  of  excitement  from  month  to 
month,  or  from  year  to  year,  and  to  enter  into  the  de- 
tails of  particular  movements  among  the  people  at  a 
period  so  long  gone  by,  in  connexion  with  this  subject; 
suffice  it  to  say ;  for  the  succeeding  five  years,  up  to 
2 


18  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

1829,  the  object  was  kept  steadily  in  view,  and,  among 
a  poftion  of  the  people,  with  a  determination  never  to 
recede  from  the  ground,  till  that  object  should  be  ac- 
complished. From  the  following  reports  of  the  Gen- 
wal  Assembly,  copied  from  the  Providence  Journal, 
some  opinion  may  be  formed  of  the  state  of  the  ques- 
tion at  that  period.  At  the  May  session  cf  that  year, 
the  report  says  —  "  Several  memorials  on  the  subject 
of  extending  the  right  of  suffrage,  were  received,  and 
referred  to  a  Committee  to  report  thereon  at  the  June 
Session.  The  committee  was  composed  of  Messrs* 
B.  Hazard,  Haile,  Wilbur,  Thurston,  and  Rhodes. " 
Thus  the  matter  rested  till  the  June  Session  ;  when, 
on  Saturday  the  27th  of  that  month,  the  report  says  ; 
*—"  The  subject  of  the  memorials  and  petitions  for 
the  extension  of  suffrage,  was  called  up.  Mr.  Hazard 
from  the  committee,  to  whom  they  had  been  referred, 
reported  adversely  to  extending  the  right.  Mr.  Howe 
moved  to  continue  the  subject  to  the  next  session,  but 
withdrew  his  motion  before  the  question  was  taken. 
On  motion  of  Mr.  Updike,  the  petitioners  were  allow- 
ed to  withdraw  their  petitions.  "  By  way  of  com- 
ment, the  reporter  adds  — "  Thus  died  without  a  strug- 
gle, a  subject  which  has  created  so  much  excitement 
in  our  Stale."  —  A  comment  which,  as  respected 
merely  the  petitions  thus  summarily  rejected,  was  true 
enough ;  but  which,  as  related  to  the  future,  was 
subsequently  falsified  by  events  in  a  very  short  period 
of  time. 

We  ought  perhaps,  in  this  place,  to  pause  a  mo- 
naent,  for  reflection  on  the  state  of  public  feeling  at  that 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  19 

period,  and  the  peculiar  character  of  the  legishtive  ac- 
tion on  the  subject,  and  which  becomes  absolutely 
necessary,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  merits  of  the 
subsequent  controversies  on  the  subject  iri  dispute. 


CHAPTER    III. 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  brief  references  in  the  pre- 
ceding pages,  that,  however  the  subject  of  extending 
the  right  of  suffrage  may  have  been  discussed  and 
treated  in  the  community,  the  General  Assembly,  or 
at  least  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  disposed  to 
treat  the  matter  with  very  little  ceremony  or  consider- 
ation. Tlie  petitions  and  memorials  presented  to  the 
House  from  time  to  time,  invariably  received  their 
death-blow  in  that  body  ;  and  therefore  never  reached 
the  Senate.  Consequently,  as  they  failed  by  that 
means  to  find  a  place  among  tlvo  records  of  the  state, 
it  would  be  impossible  to  ascertain  how  numerous  were 
the  signatures  appended  to  them.  As  far  however  as 
is  now  known,  ihe  number  has  been  at  no  time  large, 
and  has,  in  all  cases  presented  but  a  small  proportion 
of  the  male  population  of  the  State  twenty-one  years 
of  age  and  upwards,  and  but  few  indeed  of  the  quali- 
fied voters.  This  is  one  reason  why  the  Legislature 
continued  to  treat  the  subject  with  neglect.  That 
body  naturally  formed  the  conclusion  that,  if  a  major- 
ity of  the  people  of  the  state  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
existing  laws   relative  to  the  elective  franchise,  they 


20  CONCISE    HISTORy. 

would  not  be  backward  in  presenting  themselves,  by 
memorial,  before  that  body ;  and  the  inference  from 
the  fact  that  they  did  not,  was,  that  the  disaffected 
constituted  but  a  small  minority.  In  the  second  place 
the  Legislature,  and  the  Landholders  in  general,  with 
here  and  there  an  exception,  considered  the  original 
charter  of  Charles  2nd.  as  an  act  of  incorporation 
giving'to  the  freemen  of  the  State,  and  their  succes- 
sors, a  perpetual  existence  as  a  body  corporate,  with 
powers  which  could  not  be  impaired  without  their  own 
consent.  Consequently,  a  portion  at  least  appear  to 
have  arrived  at  the  conclusion,  that  it  was  an  act  of 
impertinence  in  non-freeholders,  even  to  petition  for 
the  right  of  suffrage.  And  it  is  a  fact  tliat  every 
attempt  to  call  a  convention,  or  to  modify  the  election 
laws,  was  made  in  consequence  of  resolutions  offered 
by  members  of  the  Assembly,  and  not  in  compliance 
with  the  prayers  of  petitions  and  memorials. 

During  the  whole  controversy,  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century,  the  poition  of  the  people  of  the 
state  opposed  to  an  extension  of  the  elective  franchise, 
planted  themselves  firmly  on  the  ground,  of  chartered 
rights,  denying  the  doctrine  of  the  natural  right  of  any 
man  to  participate  in  the  afiairs  of  government,  and 
utterly  disclaiming  the  doctrine,  that  the  non-free- 
holder acquired  any  other  rights  by  the  revolution 
which  severed  this  country  from  Great  Britian, 
than  those  vouchsafed  to  him  by  the  British  Monarch, 
under  the  charter.  This  party  maintained  the  doc- 
trine that  the  right  of  suffrage  was  a  social  and  acquir- 
ed right  J  emanating  from  the  conditions  of  the  original 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  21 

compact  of  the  body  corporate  and  politic ;  that  that 
body  alone  had  the  authority  to  modify  or  change  it, 
and  that  no  others  could  of  right  become  members 
with  them,  and  parties  to  the  compact,  or  be  endowed 
with  the  privileges  of  freemen,  without  their  consent. 
When  complaint  was  made  by  those  who  were  denied 
the.  right  of  suffrage,  they  were  told  that  the  qualifica- 
tion demanded  by  law  was  of  trifling  amount,  that  the 
safety  of  the  state  required  the  voter  to  possess  an  in- 
terest in  the  soil,  and  that  those  who  did  not  like  the 
condition,  were  not  compelled  to  remain  under  the 
state  jurisdiction. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  argument  has  been,  that, 
though  previous  to  the  revolution  the  political  power 
vested,  under  the  Charter,  in  the  Company  alone,  yet 
that  the  revolution  destroyed  the  colonial  government, 
annulled  the  Charter,  and  resolved  society  into  its 
original  elements: — That  natural  right  and  natural 
equality  were  restored: — That  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  recognised  and  enforced  the  same  doctrine  r  — 
That  every  free  citizen  was  entitled  to  the  elective 
franchise:  —  And  that  the  State  would  be  as  safe 
under  the  operation  of  such  a  system,  as  though  th© 
right  to  vote  was  coupled  with  an  interest  in  the  soit.  - 

The  foregoing  is,  to  be  sure,  but  a  bird's-eye  view 
of  the  arguments  advanced  on  either  side  of  this 
question,  but  it  presents  the  general  outlines  ;  and 
any  one  of  common  reflection,  may  readily  discover 
the  tendencies  of  the  whole.  These  texts  have 
served  as  the  subjects,  of  discussion  for  more  ibaa 


22  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

twenty  years  ;  during  which  period,  oceans  of  ink 
have  been  shed,  and  scores  of  speeches  made,  to 
estabUsh,  first  one  side,  and  then  the  other. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

The  question  of  Suffrage  was  not  suffered  to  slum- 
ber for  a  great  length  of  time,  after  its  fancied  strangu- 
lation in  1829.  About  tlie  year  1833,  or  possibly 
some  time  in  1832,  immediately  after  the  Presidential 
election,  the  subject  was  again  resuscitated.  The 
question  was  brought  up  anew  in  the  city  of  Provi- 
dence, at  first  by  a  small  number  of  persons  mostly 
mechanics,  and  nearly,  if  not  all,  non-freeholders. 
The  Town  House  was  put  in  requisition,  and  weekly 
meetings  were  held,  and  well  attended,  and  speeches 
made  on  the  great  question.  These  meetings  were 
generally  addressed  by  mechanics  and  working-men, 
in  set  speeches,  which  exhibited  very  considerable 
talent ;  and  though  often  pretty  highly  spiced  with 
satire  and  sarcasm,  afforded  evidence  that  those  who 
delivered  them  had  felt  much,  and  thought  much,  if 
they  had  not  learned  much.  It  was  fashionable  then, 
as  well  as  now,  to  give  to  the  land-holders  the  appel- 
lation of  aristocrats  and  ruffled-shirt  gentry  ;  and  the 
speakers  and  their  associates  prided  themselves  in 
occupying  an  opposite  standing.  Hence,  they  fre- 
quently appeared  in  the  desk,  at  least  some  of  them, 
arrayed  in  green  baize  jackets,  to  address  the  audi- 


CONCISE    HlSTORr.  23 

ence ;  and  to  illustrate  the  feeling  still  farther,  in  a 
♦  correspondence  with  Hon.  John  Q.  Adams,  and  Hon. 
Francis  Baylies,  in  May,  1833,  the  committee  of 
correspondence  designate  themselves  as  follows :  — 
William  J.  Tillinghast,  Barber  —  Lawrence 
Richards,  Blacksmith  —  Wm.  Mitchell,  Shoema- 
Tcer  —  Seth  Ijvther,  House  Carpenter — Wm.  Mil- 
\  ler,  Currier  —  David  Brown,  Watch  and  Clock 
Maker.  This  fact  is  of  no  farther  importance,  than 
merely  to  show  the  feeling  that  actuated  the  persons 
engaged  at  first  in  the  attempt  at  that  ticne,  to  obtain 
an  extension  of  suffrage.  But  very  few  freeholders 
united  with  the  party,  and  the  mode  of  action  was,  to 
operate  on  public  feeling  and  opinion.  Subsequently, 
however,  several  of  the  members  of  the  bar  united 
themselves  with  the  party  ;  among  whom,  was  Thom- 
as W.  Dorr ;  and  the  affair  assumed  a  new  aspect. 

la  May,  1 833,  a  circular  was  issued  by  the  party, 
which  had  been  adopted  in  a  public  meeting,  and 
signed,  Seth  Luther,  Chairman,  and  William  J. 
Tillinghast,  Secretary.  The  doctrine  set  forth  in 
this  document,  as  that  of  the  party,  was,  free  suffrage. 
An  explanation  of  ilie  phrase  however  was  given,  as 
they  understood  it,  not  as  unconditional  universal 
suffrage,  but  such  as  is  designated  in  the  Constitution 
of  Massachusetts : — .That  American  citizens  should 
be  allowed  to  vote  on  condhion  of  a  specific  resi- 
dence in  the  State,  and  the  payment  of  taxes.  In 
the  same  year,  a  petition  was  presented  to  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  from  Charles  Randall  and  others  in 
the  town  of  Warreo,  in  accordance  with  the  doctrine 


24  COyCISE    HISTORY. 

of  the  above  circular,  which  was  referred  to  a  select 
committee,  and  which,  at  a  subsequent  session,  met 
with  the  same  fate  as  its  predecessors  had  done  in  the 
year  1829.  But  the  result  was  different.  The  party 
had  now  been  organized  ;  and  though  not  as  yet 
strong  either  in  numbers  or  energies,  it  had  acquired  a 
hold  on  life,  from  which  it  was  not  to  be  shaken  by 
the  unfavorable  decision  of  a  legislative  committee. 

Not  long  after  the  above  period,  in  the  spring 
of  1834,  and  after  Mr.  Dorr  had  taken  the  field,  it 
was  determined  to  make  preparation  for  a  State  Con- 
vention, the  object  of  which  was  to  confer  together, 
and  to  draw  up,  and  to  lay  before  the  people,  the 
outlines  of  a  constitution.  It  was  also  determined  to 
make  an  appeal  through  the  ballot-box.  The  con- 
vention was  called.  It  assembled  and  acted.  And 
the  provisions  relative  to  representation  and  the  elec- 
tive franchise  recommended  by  that  body,  were  simi- 
lar to  those  which  had  been  put  forth  by  the  party. 
The  appeal  to  the  ballot-box  of  course  failed  ;  but 
from  time  to  time  the  effort  was  continued,  until  the 
summer  of  1837  :  when  the  Constitutional  Party,  as  it 
was  then  called,  brought  out  a  number  of  votes  some- 
what less  than  seven  hundred.  This  was  the  last 
expiring  effort,  and  with  its  failure,  terminated  the 
existence  of  the  party.  It  is  not  however  to  be  un- 
derstood that  the  cause  for  which  the  constitutionalists 
contended,  had  lost  ground,  or  that  the  friends  of  a 
constitution  and  an  extension  of  suffrage  had  yielded 
their  opinions,  or  diminished  in  number.  The  con- 
trary is  the  fact;  and,  from  1833  to   1837,  greater 


S  CONCISE    HISTORY.  25 

advances  had  been  made  towards  the  accomplishment 
of  the  object,  than  had  been  made  in  twenty  years 
before.  But  it  was  a  period  of  high  political  excile- 
ment.  Most  of  the  active  members  of  the  Conslitu- 
lional  Party  were  also  members  of  one  or  the  other 
of  the  two  political  parties  of  the  day.  The  success 
of  the  constitutionalists,  if  not  highly  doubtful, 
appeared  very  remote,  and  political  considerations 
demanded  immediate  action.  For  these  reasons, 
many  members  of  the  party  could  not  be  prevailed 
on  to  vote  for  the  constitutional- candidates,  and  went 
to  the  polls  and  voted  for  others.  And  thus  was  the 
party  disbanded  in  1837,  at  a  period  when,  strange  as 
it  may  appear,  it  had  probably  increased  threefold,  if 
not  fourfold,  in  numbers,  talents,  and  moral  energy 
in  the  short  space  of  four  years. 

During  the  period  to  which  we  have  alluded  above, 
the  General  Assembly  had  not  been  idle.  That  body 
kept  its  eye  on  the  current  of  events,  and,  for  some 
reason,  at  their  June  session,  1834,  adopted  a  resolu- 
tion to  call  a  convention  to  amend  the  Charter  or 
make  a  constitution.  Mr.  Dorr,  who  was  then  a 
raember  of  the  House,  proposed  an  amendment  to 
the  resolution,  by  which  all  native  resident  citizens  of 
the  State  who  had,  within  the  year,  paid  a  lax  on  the 
amount  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars  of  real 
or  personal  estate,  should  be  allowed  to  vote  for  dele- 
gates to  the  convention.  The  amendment  was  sub- 
jected to  the  ordeal  of  a  long  debate,  and  was  finally 
rejected  ;  only  Jour  me  nbers  voting  for  the  amend- 
ment, and  fifty-eight  against  it.     The  four  who  voted 


26  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

for  it,  were,  Thomas  W.  Dorr,  of  Providence,  Levi 
Haile,  [now  od  ihe  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,]  of 
Warren,  Otis  Mason,  of  Cumberland,  and  John  H. 
Weeden,  of  North  Providence.  The  convention  was 
ordered  to  meet  at  Providence  on  the  first  day  of  Sep- 
tember, 1834 ;  and  the  delegates  to  constitute  the 
body,  were  elected  at  the  regular  town  meetings  in 
August  previous- 
It  is  unpleasant  to  question  the  sincerity  even  of  an 
individual ;  and  much  more  so  to  doubt  the  good  faith 
of  a  solemn  deliberative  body.  But,  as  a  faithful  his- 
torian, we  are  bound  to  state  honest  convictions,  be 
they  what  they  may.  The  General  Assembly,  in 
this  instance,  gave  too  much  r^eason  for  the  inference 
which  many  drew  from  their  conduct  on  the  occasion, 
that  the  call  for  a  convention  was  a  sham  movement, 
designed  to  amuse  that  portion  of  the  citizens  of  the 
state,  who  were  loud  in  their  demands  for  a  constitu- 
tion and  an  extension  of  suffrage.  Much  of  the  lan- 
guage uttered  in  debate  was  of  a  bitter,  sarcastic,  and 
contemptuous  character;  and  manifested  a  disposition 
on  the  part  of  the  speakers,  to  resist,  at  all  hazards, 
'  every  attempt  to  meet  the  wishes  of  those  who  thought 
themselves  aggrieved,  and  who  demanded  redress. 
To  crown  the  whole,  the  members  of  the  convention 
were  required  to  serve  without  pay ;  a  measure  which 
every  one  was  confident  would  eitlier  prevent  the  hold- 
ing of  a  convention  at  all,  or  constitute  one,  of  a  class 
of  men  who  would  do  nothing  when  they  should  as- 
semble. But,  contrary  to  the  expectations  of  many, 
the  body,  or  at  least   a   quorum,  did   assemble  at  the 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  27 

time  appointed.  Tliey  drew  up,  and  nearly  completed 
a  constitution,  in  which,  however,  instead  of  extending 
the  right  of  suffrage,  they  secured  the  old  system  by 
stronger  guards.  The  convention  held  together  for 
two  weeks ;  but  during  the  second  week,  found  itself 
in  a  quick  consumption  by  a  rapid  diminution  of  num- 
bers, and  finally,  for  the  want  of  a  quorum,  adjourned, 
to  meet  again  on  the  second  day  of  November  follow- 
ing. In  the  interim^  the  body  died  a  natural  death, 
and  was  never  resuscitated.  And  thus  the  affair 
ended.  In  this  convention,  seven  towns  out  of  thirty- 
one,  were  unrepresented  —  viz:  —  Scituate,  Foster, 
Barrington,  West  Greenwich,  Richmond,  New  Shore- 
ham,  and  Charlestown. 

Affairs  remained  in  this  posture,  till  the  January 
session  of  the  General  Assembly,  1836.  At  that 
session,  the  law  relating  to  the  elective  franchise  v/as 
remodelled.  No  change  however  was  made  in  the 
principle,  and  the  old  qualifications  were  retained  ! 
The  only  object  attempted  to  be  gained,  was  to  guard 
the  polls  more  effectually  against  frauds. 

On  this  occasion,  two  attempts  were  made  to  modify 
the  voting  qualification.  Mr.  Luther,  of  Warren,  a 
firm  and  undeviating  friend  of  an  extension  of  suffrage, 
moved  an  amendment  to  admit  to  the  right  to  vote  at 
elections  persons  who  paid  a  tax  on  any  species  of 
property  of  tlie  value  of  ^250.  Messrs.  Luther  and 
Dorr  were  the  only  persons  who  voted  for  it. 

Mr.  Dorr  moved  another  amendment,  by  which  a 
man's  real  estate  might  qualify  as  many  of  his  sonsi^ 


28  CONCISE    HISTORr. 

"as  there  were  limes  ^134  in  the  value  of  the  said 
estate.  "  The  same  two  members,  only  voted  for  that. 
It  is  not  to  be  inferred  from  this,  however,  that  these 
two  persons  were  the  only  members  of  the  Assembly 
who  favored  an  extension  of  suffrage.  There  were 
others  ;  but  some  thought,  no  doubt,  that  such  amend- 
ments would  be  of  little  or  no  utility,  and  others,  as 
has  long,  if  not  always,  been  the  case,  thought  the  rep- 
resentatives had  no  right  to  change  the  qualification 
required  as  a  condition  for  the  exercise  of  the  elective 
franchise,  without  express  instructions  to  that  effect 
from  their  constituents. 


CHAPTER  V. 

After  the  dispersion  of  the  Constitutional  Party  in 
1837,  little  was  heard  on  the  suffrage  question,  for 
some  time.  The  bank  question,  the  monetary  con- 
cerns of  the  country,  and  the  questions  of  state  and 
national  politics,  absorbed,  or  at  least  obscured  all 
other  subjects ;  and  the  suffrage  question  in  Rhode 
Island,  shared  the  common  fate,  and  was,  for  a  time, 
swallowed  up  in  the  vortex.  But  it  was  not  dead. 
The  flame  had  only  been  smothered,  and  awaited  but 
the  favorable  moment,  to  burst  out  afresh,  and  to  burn 
with  renewed  vigor.  In  February,  1840,  the  subject 
was  again  called   up   by  a  few  men   without  wealth. 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  29 

with  no  pretensions  to  learning,  in  the  usual  accepta- 
tion of  the  term,  with  little  or  no  popular  influence, 
and  without  any  apparent  preconcerted  measures  or 
mode  of  action.  In  fact,  the  question  was  of  that 
character,  and  the  object  one  which  a  portion  of  the 
people  had  so  long  cherished  with  the  most  devoted 
zeal  and  attachment,  that  it  needed  none  of  these  em- 
bellishments to  give  it  currency,  and  to  press  it  with 
renewed  energy.  The  first  meeting  was  composed  of 
less  than  twenty  persons,  of  the  description  already 
named.  They  determined  to  move  onward,  and  took 
every  precaution  to  avoid  an  entanglement  with  the  -^ 
political  parties  of  the  day  ;  a  determination  which, 
had  it  been  religiously  adhered  to,  would  have  placed 
the  Suffrage  Party  on  a  more  elevated,  and  successful 
ground,  then  they  now  occupy.  The  meetings  were 
continued  from  week  to  week,  and  the  attendants  rap- 
idly increased  in  numbers.  Still,  leading  politicians, 
and  freeholders,  generally,  stood  aloof,  and  for  a  long 
time  the  party  consisted  ahnost  entirely  of  mechanics 
and  workingmen,  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life.  After 
having,  as  was  thought,  obtained  sufficient  strength 
to  take  the  field,  and  to  commence  operations,  it  was 
determined  to  embody  the  party,  then  confined  to  the 
city  of  Providence  as  far  as  visible  identity  was  con- 
cerned, into  a  regularly  constituted  society,  or  associa- 
tion. Accordingly,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
concert  measures  for  that  purpose ;  who,  at  a  very  full 
meeting  held  on  the  evening  of  March  27,  1840,  re- 
ported a  "  Preamble  and  Constitution  of  the 
Rhode  Island  Suffrage  Association.  " 
3 


30  CONCISE    HISTOKT. 

The  document  was  unanimously  adopted.  A  ques- 
tion then  arose,  as  to  whom  the  Association  would 
accept  as  American  citizens  within  the  limits  of  their 
intentions  as  to  an  extension  of  suffrage.  And  after 
considerable  debate  on  the  subject,  it  was  finally  con- 
cluded to  receive  as  members,  only  Native  horn  white 
male  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Thus,  the  Asso- 
ciation established  it  at  the  commencement  of  their 
existence,  that  the  object  they  had  in  view,  was,  "a 
liberal  extension  of  suffrage  to  the  native  white'ma]e 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  resident  in  Rhode  Island. 
Free  Suffrage,  more  properly  universal  suffrage,  was 
very  generally  repudiated  by  them,  either  on  the 
ground  of  expediency,  policy,  or  principle,  though  it 
Is  true  that  some  advocated  and  insisted  on  it.  The 
"  Preamble  and  Constitution  "  was  very  numerously 
signed,  the  Association  was  organized  under  it;  and 
t4ie  meetings  continued  till  some  time  in  the  summer 
of  that  year;  when  it  was  concluded  to  postpone  far- 
ther operations  till  Autumn.  Meantime  the  heated 
contest  for  the  Presidential  chair  came  on;  and  to 
avoid  the  interference  of  political  party  politics  with 
the  suffrage  question,  operations  were  still  farther  sus- 
pended, till  after  the  heat  of  the  political  warfare  should 
have  passed  away.  It  was  not  till  some  time  in 
November  of  that  year,  that,  the  suffrage  association 
again  took  the  field. 

Hitherto  great  pains  were  taken  to  guard  against  all 
party  political  influences ;  and,  on  the  part  of  many, 
the  desire  to  do  so  still  continued ;  but  it  is  about  as 
easy   to  escape  the  contagion  of  the   Plague  in   an 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  31 

infected  house,  as  the  kindness,  the  sympathy,  and  the 
aid,  of  high  toned  pohticians,  when  they  fancy  they 
can  make  any  thing  out  of  you.  Accordingly  after 
the  fate  of  certain  men.  had  been  decided  by  Ihe  elec 
tion  of  1840,  and  they  had  found  themselves  disen- 
cumbered of  the  affairs  of  state,  they  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  suffrage  cause  would  afford  them  a 
very  convenient  hobby,  ready  saddled  and  bridled; 
and  by  mounting  which,  though  nothing  could  be  lost, 
something  might  be  gained.  And  it  Vvould  be  a  very 
interesting  and  edifying  work,  would  our  limited  space 
admit  of  it,  to  relate  tbe  sudden  and  wonderful  con- 
versions which  occurred  in  a  few  sliort  months.  To 
tell  who,  and  how  many,  previously  as  tenacious  of 
the  landed  qualification  as  the  veriest  aristocrat  in  the 
state,  became  all  at  once  convinced  that  free  suffrage 
was  a  necessary  attribute  of  democracy,  and  that  every 
one  who  denied  the  doctrine,  must  of  necessity  be  a 
confirmed  aristocrat,  a  foe  to  American  liberty,  and  a 
decided  opponent  to  any  thing  bearing  the  impress  of 
Republican  Equality.  So  wonderful  was  the  change 
effected  that  these  new  converts  were  perfectly  aston- 
ished that  the  suffrage  party  should  have  stopped  short 
of  unconditionar universal  suffrage;  and  their  wide 
spread  sympathy,  and  extensive  benevolence,  could 
see  no  way  by  which  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
resident  in  Rhode  Island,  native  or  foreign  born, 
except  he  wore  a  colored  skin,  could  be  rightfully 
excluded  from  the  ballot  box.  That  such  perfectly 
piu'e  patriots  were  entirely  free  from  all  interested 
motives,  especially  when  they  so  declared  themselves 


32  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

it  would  be  almost  sacrilegious  to  doubt.  One  thing 
however  is  very  certain.  Most  of  them  had  ever  been 
opposed  to  an  extension  of  suffrage ;  and  the  party  to 
which  they  belonged,  had  held  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment in  their  hands  more  than  one  half  the  time  for 
twenty  years,  without  ever,  in  the  whole  time,  having 
made  a  single  move  to  j)romote  the  object.  Six  of 
the  seven  towns  which  refused  to  send  delegates  to 
the  Convention  of  1834  were  under  the  control  of  the 
same  party;  the  same  party  had  a  decided  majority 
in  the  House  in  1836,  when  the  election  law  was 
remodeled  ;  an  act  emanating  fiom  the  pen  of  a  mem 
ber  of  that  party,  and  which  was  introduced  into,  and 
which  passed  in  the  House,  before  it  went  to  the 
Senate.  Furthermore,  it  is  well  known  that  a  large 
majority  of  that  party,  up  to  the  autumn  of  1840,  was 
opposed  to  an  extension  of  suffrage ;  to  say  nothing  of 
free  suffrage  ;  and  yet,  within  some  six  months  after  the 
Presidential  Election  of  that  year,  such  a  remarkable 
change  of  opinion  occurred,  that  an  extension  of 
suffrage  became  a  portion  of  their  political  belief;  and 
in  about  a  twelve  month,  free,  unconditional,  and 
universal  suffrage,  became  the  watch-word  with  most 
of  them  —  I  say  unconditional  —  that  is,  except  the 
skin  of  the  citizen  were  colored. 

No  fault  can  be  reasonably  found  with  the  parly  for 
having  become  converts  to  the  suffrage  cause.  They 
had  a  perfect  right  to  do  so.  Whether  sincere,  or 
otherwise  is  a  matter  for  them  to  settle.  Had  they 
followed  up  the  plan  laid  out  by  the  suffrage  associa- 
tion,  to  act   by   means   of  petitions,   memorials,  and 


^ 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  33 

appeals  td  the  people,  to  the  ballot  box,  and  to  the 
constituted  authorities  of  the  nation,  all  would  have 
been  well.  But,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  they 
preferred  a  different  course. 

By  the  spring  of  1841,  suffrage  associations  auxiliary 
to  the  parent  body,  had  been  formed  in  various  parts 
of  the  state.  On  the  18th  of  April  in  that  year,  a 
very  numerous  mass  meeting  of  the  party  was  held  in 
Providence.  And  on  that  occasion,  several  leaders 
of  the  democratic  party  mounted  the  badge  of  the  as-- 
sociation,  for  the  first  time  identifying  themselves  with 
it,  and  showing  themselves  either  in  the  procession  or 
elsewhere  in  the  streets.  On  the  5th  of  May  follow- 
ing, a  similar  meeting  was  held  at  Newport.  On  that 
occasion,  it  was  resolved  that  preparatory  measures 
should  be  instituted  for  the  call  of  a  convention  to 
form  a  constitution.  A  committee  was  accordingly 
appointed.  On  the  5th  day  of  July  following,  another 
mass  convention  was  held  at  Providence ;  when  the 
state  committee  was  instructed  to  call  a  convention 
forthwith.  We  must  now  pause  a  moment  in  our 
course,  to  bring  up  another  portion  of  our  history,  to 
the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

A"?-  tho  January  session  qC  the  General  Assembly, 
184 U  a   petition    was    presented  from  the   town  of 
3* 


34  CONCISE    HISTORy. 

Smithfield,  for  an  addition  to  her  representation.  The 
discussion  of  this  subject  brought  up  the  whole  ques- 
tion. That  subject  was  postponed,  with  the  under- 
standing that,  at  a  subsequent  session,  measures  would 
be  adopted  to  arrange  the  whole  question,  by  conven- 
tion, or  in  some  other  way.  At  the  same  session,  a 
petition  was  presented,  of  an  individual  character,  for 
a  constitution,  extension  of  suffrage,-  &c.  In  June, 
the  same  year,  and  previous  to  the  4th  of  July  mass 
meeting  at  Providence,  the  Assembly  resolved  to  call 
a  convention,  to  amend  the  Charter,  or  to  form  a  con- 
stitution. The  design  of  those  who  had  now  foisted 
themselves  on  the  suffrage  party  from  the  democratic 
party,  as  leaders,  became  apparent.  It  was,  to  step 
in  between  the  Legislature,  the  convention  called 
under  the  authority  of  that  body,  and  the  people :  — 
To  anticipate  the  doings  of  the  convention:  —  To 
assume  to  themselves  the  character  and  authority  of 
guardians  of  the  people :  —  To  erect  a  form  of  gov- 
ernment to  suit  themselves,  and  to  favor  their  pur- 
poses of  individual  and  party  ambition: — To  estab- 
lish it  by  numerical  force  —  And  thus  to  bring  the 
legal  authority  lo  their  feet.  Accordingly,  the  State 
Committee  came  together  on  the  20th  day  of  July, 
for  the  purpose  for  which  they  had.  received  instruc- 
tions from  the  mass  convention  at  Providence,  on  the 
fifth. 

And  now  we  shall  learn  how  the  system  was  car- 
ried out,  and  on  what  principle.  The  General 
Assembly  had  directed  that  the  delegates  to  the  con- 
vention authorised  by  that  body,  should  be  elected  on 


CONCISE    HISTORY,  35 

the  31st  day  of  August.  The  commitfee  directed 
that  the  delegates  to  the  People's  Convention,  as  it 
was  called,  should  be  elected  on  the  28th  of  the  same 
month  ;  three  days  previous.  The  convention  author- 
ised by  the  General  Assembly  in  June,  were  ordered 
to  meet  on  Monday,  ISovember  'H,  1841.  The  Peo- 
ple's Convention,  so  called,  or  the  convention  called 
by  the  State  Committee,  re-assembled  by  adjournment, 
November  16th,  1841  ;  and  completed  their  constitu- 
tion, and  gave  it  out  to  be  voted  on  by  the  people, 
commencing  December  27th,  1811,  when  they  knew 
the  other  convention  had  adjourned  to  ascertain  the 
wishes  of  the  people,  as  they  had  declared,  and  were 
not  to  reassemble  till  Monday,  February  14th,  1842, 
And  the  People's  Convention  assembled  for  the  third 
time,  on  Wednesday,  January  12th,  1842,  and  de- 
clared that  their  constitution  had  been  adopted,  and 
should  be  maintained,  more  than  a  month  before  the 
other  convention  held  their  second  meeting  to  com- 
plete^ their  labors.  Thus  the  leaders  of  the  suffrage 
party  carried  out  their  plans  for  taking  precedence  of 
the  government  and  the  convention  called  by  it ;  to 
supercede  the  action  of  those  bodies,  and  to  j)revent 
the  people  from  adopting  and  sustaining  any  constitu- 
tion but  their  own.  This,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  was 
indecent  haste  ;  and  when  the  object  is  considered,  it 
may  be  entitled  to  a  worse  appellation  than  that. 

Early  in  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  by 
the  Suffrage  Association,  it  had  been  tacitly  adopted 
by  the  members,  though  there  was  no  official  act  of 
that  purport,  that,  after  having  made  use  of  memorials. 


36  CONCISE     HlSTORy. 

petitions,  and  the  ballot-box,  and  found  them  unavail- 
ing, they  would  be  fully  justified,  as  a  last  resort,  in 
the  formation  of  a  consiitutioa  and  government  inde- 
pendently of  legislative  action,  and  in  instituting 
measures  to  test  the  validity  of  their  claims,  either  in 
Congress,  by  the  election  of  Representatives  to  claim 
seats  in  that  body,  or  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  by  the  performance  of  some  judicial 
act.  That  course  was  generally  anticipated.  When 
the  State  Committee  met  in  July,  1841,  they  were 
reminded  of  this  determination  ;  and,  to  some  of  the 
members  of  that  body,  out  of  doors,  if  not  to  the 
assembled  body  in  conclave,  it  was  distinctly  stated 
and  argued,  that  no  memorial  or  petition  had  been 
presented  by  the  Association,  to  the  General  Assem- 
bly :  — That  no  appeal  had  been  made  to  the  ballot- 
box  :  —  And  that  not  a  single  pledge  of  the  body  had 
been  redeemed.  If  was  farther  staled  and  argued, 
that  whatever  right  the  people  might  eventually  have 
to  act  in  their  primary  sovereign  capacity,  no  such 
right  of  action  could  exist,  while  a  convention  was 
actually  in  existence,  and  about  to  proceed  to  the  dis- 
charge of  their  duties,  wbicb,  for  ought  that  was  then 
known,  might  result  in  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of 
the  great  question  at  issue.  The  doctrine  was  en- 
forced, that  no  body  of  men,  however  numerous  and 
powerful,  had  the  right  to  ride  over  the  laws  to  seek 
redress,  until  all  probable  peaceable  means  had  been 
tried,  not  one  of  which  had  been  put  in  requisition 
during  the  pendency  of  tiiis  question.  The  only 
reply  was,  that  the  Landholder's  Convention  would 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  37 

do  nothing  to  redress  the  grievances  of  the  great  hody 
of  the  people,  and  that  the  committee  were  deter- 
mined to  interpose,  to  prevent  them  from  doing  any 
thing.  Argument  was  in  vain.  The  majority  pre- 
vailed, and  the  work  was  commenced. 

After  the  People's  Convention  had  nearly  com- 
pleted the  labors  of  their  second  session,  they  were 
warned  on  the  same  principles  stated  to  the  committee 
before,  not  to  offer  their  constitution  to  the  people  for 
their  action,  until  the  Landholder's  Convention  should 
have  consummated  their  labors.  But  argument  was 
of  as  little  avail  with  that  body,  as  with  the  State 
Committee ;  and  they  proceeded,  with  the  determina- 
tion to  carry  their  points  at  all  hazards  ;  and,  as  after- 
wards publicly  resolved,  by  "  a/Z  necessary  means.'' 
The  issue  we  have  seen. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

While  the  above  proceedings  were  going  on,  on 
the  part  of  the  People^s  Convention,  the  convention 
of  the  Landholders  were  pursuing  the  even  tenor  of 
their  way.  As  before  stated,  that  body  assembled,  as 
by  law  required,  on  the  2nd  day  of  November,  [the 
first  was  nominally  the  day  of  meeting]  1841,  in  the 
city  of  Providence.  They  proceeded  to  the  execu- 
tion of  the  duties  assigned  them  ;  and,  after  a  good 
deal  of  debate  on  various  propositions,  drew  up  the 


r 


38  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

outlines  of  a  constitution.  It  was  seen  by  a  large 
number  of  the  members,  that  the  period  had  arrived 
when  liberal  concessions  must  be  made  to  the  unen- 
franchised portion  of  the  community ;  as  even  a  large 
proportion  of  the  freeholders  were  now  supposed  to 
be  in  hvor  of  such  a  course.  Besides,  a  very  re- 
spectable minority  of  that  body  were  known  to  be  in 
favor  of  an  extension  of  sufFragc,  and  the  equalization 
of  representation  in  the  State.  But  the  minority  of 
the  freemen  were  represented  by  a  majority  of  dele- 
gates, and  the  prejudices,  prepossessions,  and  interests 
of  the  southern  portions  of  the  State  prevailed;  and 
the  consequence  was,  that  no  change  worth  naming, 
was  made  at  this  session,  in  the  system  of  suffrage. 
Nothing  final  was  however  then  done ;  and,  in  order 
to  complete  their  labors  in  a  manner  to  give  general 
satisfaction  if  possible,  the  convention  adjourned  on 
the  13th  of  November,  with  the  avowed  intention  of 
laying  their  doings  before  the  people,  and  consulting 
their  wishes.  The  outlines  of  the  constitution  were 
printed  and  distributed  through  the  State. 

During  the  recess,  as  has  already  been  noticed,  the 
People's  Constitution  had  been  completed,  given  out 
to  the  people,  and  declared  by  the  convention  which 
had  framed  it,  to  have  been  adopted  by  the  people  by 
a  large  majority ;  including  also  a  majority  of  the 
freemen  or  qualified  voters  un<ler  the  law.  The  qual- 
ification for  voters  required  by  the  People's  Conven- 
tion, may  be  seen  by  reference  to  their  constitution, 
Art.  2.  Sec.  1.  The  Landholder's  Convention  re-as- 
sembled by  adjournment,  as  already  stated,  Feb.  14th, 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  39 

1842.  While  among  their  constituents,  at  4iome,  they 
had  heard  the  suffrage  and  constitutional  questions 
freely  and  fully  discussed.  They  had  also  seen  the 
result  of  the  vote  on  the  People's  Constitution.  And 
the  convention  came  together  the  second  time,  fully 
satisfied  that  a  radical  change  in  the  existing  system 
was  imperatively  demanded  and  fully  prepared  to 
make  it.  Accordingly  they  set  to  work  in  earnest ; 
and,  on  Saturday,  Febmary  19th,  1842,  completed 
the  work  of  revising  their  constitution,  in  which,  it 
will  be  seen  by  reference  to  Art.  2,  Sec.  3,  they  de- 
termined to  admit  to  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  suf- 
frage, every  American-born  citizen,  twenty-one  years 
of  age  and  upwards;  requiring,  as  the  only  qualifica- 
tion, a  residence  within  the  State  and  town,  for  a  cer- 
tain period.  This  constitution  was  immediately  pub- 
lished ;  and  many  thousand  copies  of  it  were  promptly 
distributed  in  every  portion  of  the  State.  It  was 
ordered  to  be  voted  on  by  the  people,  on  the  21st, 
22nd  and  23rd  days  of  March,  1842. 

Previous  to  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Peo- 
ple's Convention,  a  system  of  lecturing  had  been 
adopted  by  the  Suffrage  Association.  Regular  meet- 
iogs-of  the  original  body  had  been  kept  up  for  a  long 
time  in  the  city  of  Providence.  They  were  held 
weekly  on  Friday  evefliags^  at  the  Town  House,  and 
addressed  from  time  to  time,  by  various  persons.  At 
the  period  we  have  been  speaking  of  above,  the  same, 
or  a  similar  system,  had  been  adopted  in  other  places ; 
and  lecturers  were  sent  out  from  Providence  in  every 
direction,  and  constantly  employed.     These  tecturers 


40  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

were,  or  at  least  most  of  them,  men  possessed  of  the 
talent  for  addressing  a  popular  assembly,  above  medi- 
ocrity. But  their  minds  were  comparatively  untrained 
and  undisciplined,  in  relation  to  the  important  question 
at  issue.  They  had  thought,  but  had  not  studied  ; 
and  when  they  attempted  to  enlighten  the  minds  of 
others,  they  wielded  the  weapons  of  irony,  sarcasm, 
and  invective,  alternately  to  excite  ridicule,  or  merri- 
ment, or  to  inflame  the  passions.  Particularly  after 
political  partizans  had  obtained  the  partial  control' of 
affairs,  the  great  object  appeared  to  be,  to  carry  the 
citadel  by  storm  ;  and  that  was  only  to  be  done  by 
presenting  the  landholders  as  aristocrats,  and  the  foes 
of  human  liberty,  and  holding  them  up  to  view  as 
objects  of  detestation.  With  the  materials  to  operate 
and  the  implements  to  operate  with,  but  little  effort 
was  nece,ssary,  especially  when  aided  by  political 
partizan  animosity,  to  a  createspirit  of  deadly  hostility 
in  an  assembled  throng  ;  and  arms,  and  blood,  and 
threats  of  vengeance  soon  became  as  familiar,  even 
in    public   meetings,  as  household  words. 

When  the  Landholders'  Constitution  was  given  out 
to  the  people,  it  became  a  question  among  the  opposite 
party,  whether  they  should  take  the  field  and  attempt 
to  prevent  its  adoption,  or  stand  aloof,  and  take  no 
part  in  the  contest.  Thomas  W,  Dorr,  who  had  now 
become  one  of  the  most  active  managers  in  the  parly, 
was  in  favor  of  the  latter  cfOurse.  He  insisted  that  the 
People's  Constitution  had  become  the  paramount  law 
of  the  land;  and  that  its  friends  should  refuse  to  have 
any   thing  to  do  with   the   other,  as  by  «ven  voting 


CONCISE    UISTORT.  41 

against  It,  they  would,  in  some  sense,  recognise  the 
paramount  authority  of  the  convention  which  framed 
it.  With  him,  a  great  many  others  agreed  ;  and  some 
of  them  boldly  declared  that  they  would  sooner  shoulder 
their  muskets,  and  wade  knee  deep  in  blood,  than 
submit  to  such  a  measure.  There  were  others  who 
thought  best  to  take  the  field  against  the  L#andholders' 
Constitution  and  to  vote  it  down,  in  order  to  have  it 
entirely  out  of  the  way,  that  the  party  might  have  a 
clear  stage  for  action.  Others  again  who  had  voted 
for  the  People's  Constitution,  as  a  mere  expression  of 
opinion,  and  who  held  themselves  at  perfect  liberty  to 
act  on  the  Landholder's  (constitution  as  they  might 
deem  proper,  took  no  counsel  of  either  of  the  two 
factions  in  the  suffrage  party,  and  determined  to  follow 
the  dictates  of  their  own  judgment. 

After  considerable  deliberation  on  the  subject,  the 
voting  policy  prevailed ;  and  it  was  determined  to 
make  all  due  preparation  to  attack  the  landholders  at 
the  polls,  and  to  ensure  their  defeat.  ^The  plans  were 
soon  laid,  and  all  the  necessary  machinery  put  in  oper- 
ation to  darry  them  out.  The  lecturers  schooled 
themselves  anew ;  and  now  turned  their  arms  against 
the  new  constitution  ;  leaving  the  old  charter,  the 
former  goblin  of  the  party  to  a  temporary  slumber 
and  repose,  Mr.  Dorr  led  on  the  attack,  with  the 
publication  of  his  thirty  reasons,  or  more,  against  the 
constitution  ;  some  of  which  were  good  and  substantial, 
and  others  of  which,  were  quite  as  fatal  to  his  own 
constitution,  as  to  this.  These  reasons  became  the 
text  book  of  the  itinerant  lecturers  j  and  they  were 
4 


42  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

handled,  and  turned,  and  twisted,  and  metamorphosed, 
into  as  many  shapes,  and  with  as  much  adroitness,  to 
suit  purposes,  and  times,  and  places,  as  any  passage 
of  sacred  writ  that  ever  had  the  misfortune  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  one  of  Cromwell's  Roundheads.  To 
give  a  practical  illustration  of  this  fact,  we  will  advert 
to  one  simple  expedient,  which  no  douht  changed 
votes  enough  to  defeat  the  constitution.  True,  it 
does  not  speak  very  loudly  for  the  honesty  of  the 
Iticturers,  nor  the  intelligence  of  the  people  who  were 
deceived  by  them.  But,  be  that  as  it  may,  it  is  nev- 
ertljeless  true  to  the  letter;  and  may  serve  to  show 
what  some  men  can  do  with  some  other  men,  when 
some  are  dishonest,  and  some  others  ignorant. 

The  State  of  Rhode  Island  is  of  small  extent,  and 
so  situated  that,  from  all  parts  of  it,  people  are  in  the 
habit  of  visiting  those  parts  bordering  on  the  ocean, 
or  skirted  by  bays  and  rivers,  for  the  purpose  of  pleas- 
ure excursions,  as  well  as  many  for  profit,  and  taking 
shelifish,  and  scale  fish,  with  which  our  shores  and 
waters  abound.  This  is  considered  a  great  privilege, 
and  is  highly  valued  by  our  citizens.  In  order  that 
the  constitution  should  curtail  no  right  or  privilege  the 
inhabitants  enjoyed  before,  the  framers  of  the  constitu- 
tion inserted  the  following  —  Art.  1.  Sec.  13.  "The 
citizens  shall  continue  to  enjoy,  and  freely  to  exercise 
the  rights  of  fishery,  and  all  other  rights  to  which  they 
have  been  heretofore  entitled  under  the  charter  of  this 
state,  except  as  is  herein  otherwise  provided.  "  From 
the  last  clause  of  the  section,  "  except  as  herein  other- 
wise provided,  "  many  were  persuaded  to  believe  they 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  43 

w6re  cut  off  from  the  rights  of  fishery,  though  the 
constitution  contained  not  another  syllable  on  the  sub- 
ject;  and  many  others,  not  dreaming  that  a  shellfish 
was  a  fish,  supposed  the  constitution  prohibited  them 
from  abstracting  a  clam  from  its  gravelly  resting  place, 
except  it  were  located  on  their  own  premises  !  The 
majority  against  the  constitution  was  but  about  seven 
hundred,  and  no  doubt  enough  were  induced  to  vote 
against  it  on  the  above  weighty  consideration,  to  have 
turned  the  scale  the  other  way,  had  they  been  left  to 
act  without  interference  on  the  subject  of  the  fishery. 
Other  influences  equally  unfounded  in  truth  were 
brought  to  bear  by  the  party,  and  the  constitution  was 
lost. 

If  the  suffrage  party  acted  from  honest  motives,  and 
no  doubt  a  very  large  proportioil  of  them  did,  no 
fault  can  be  found  with  them,  or  at  least  no  blame 
can  be  attached  to  them,  for  using  all  honest  means 
to  procure  the  rejection  of  a  constitution  they  disliked. 

By  reference  to  the  constitution,  it  will  also  be  seen, 
that  a  landed  qualification  was  demanded  of  naturaliz- 
ed foreigners,  and  a  longer  residence  in  the  state  than 
was  required  for  native  born  American  citizens. 
This  constituted  one  of  the  great  objections  on  the 
part  of  the  suffrage  party,  who  contended  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  state 
had  no  right  to  make  a  difference  between  a  native 
and  naturalized  citizen.  The  government  party  con- 
tended that  the  United  States  constitution  did  not 
touch  the  subject  —  That  the  state  had  the  right  to 
receive  or  reject  whom  it  pleased,  from  abroad  —  And 


44  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

the  free  admission  of  naturalized  foreigners  to  the 
ballot-box,  would  prove  detriniental  to  the  interests  of 
the  state. 

But  there  are  many  things  connected  with  this 
affair,  which  we  are  bound  to  notice  in  this  place;  and 
having  done  which,  the  reader  will  be  left  to  make  up 
judgment  for  himself. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

That  the  freeholders  of  the  state  had  long  and 
determinate!}'  opposed  all  attempts  at  innovation  on 
the  ancient  system  of  government,  has  already  been 
seen.  That  the  operation  of  the  suffi-age  laws,  and 
the  unequal  representative  system,  had  become  an 
actual  hardship  and  grievance  to  a  large  body  of  re- 
spectable non-freeholders,  and  to  the  northern  portion 
of  the  state,  is  not  to  be  denied. 

The  question  is,  had  the  crises  arrived,  when  after 
the  application  and  failure  of' all  legal  and  peaceable 
means,  the  people  were  compelled  either  to  submit 
forever  to  the  operation  of  arbitrary  and  lyranical  laws, 
or  to  seek  redress  by  means  of  their  own  choice. 
This  point  is  an  all  important  one  in  the  present  con- 
troversy, and  should  be  correctly  understood.  The 
reader  therefore  is  respectfully  solicited  to  give  it  par- 
ticular attention. 

It  will  be  acknowledged  on  all  hands,  that  nothing- 
but  necessity  can  justify  a  majority  however  great  in 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  45 

pursuing  revolutionary  measures ;  and  that  necessity, 
as  we  liave  intimated  in  the  commencement,  is  not 
created  by  oppression,  but  by  the  final  refusal  of  the 
government  to  remove  that  oppression,  after  the  proper 
application,  through  all  the  usual  modes  of  approach-' 
ing  the  Legislative  body.  Such  applications,  as  has 
been  already  stated,  had  been  several  times  made; 
and  the  demand  as  often  tefused  to  be  granted ;  and 
too  often  in  a  discourteous  manner.  But  the  govern- 
ment, with  at  least  a  show  of  reason,  always  sheltered 
itself  behind  the  fact,  that  the  petitions,  memorals,  &z;c. 
bore  the  names  of  but  very  few  indeed  of  the  legal 
voters  of  the  state,  and  only  an  extremely  small 
minority  of  the  whole  people.  True  or  false  there- 
fore as  the  supposition  may  have  been  in  itself,  it 
must  be  confessed  that  the  inference  was  warranted 
by  the  circumstances,  that  the  opposition  to  the  exist- 
ing system  found  a  place  only  in  the  breasts  of  a  few, 
while  the  great  body  of  the  people  were  satisfied  with 
it.  On  this  ground  therefore,  as  well  as  on  the  ground 
of  corporate  rights,  and  of  prescription,  the  General 
Assembly  rested.  And  on  this  ground  also,  not  only 
that  body,  but  the  conventions,  refused  to  extend  suf- 
frage. 

In  this  posture,  and  without  any  attempt  at  revolu- 
tion, affairs  remained  up  to  March,  1840,  when  the 
suffrage  association  was  formed.  They  begun  de  novo ; 
and  laid  down  a  plan  of  operations  perfectly  legal, 
and  embracing  all  the  proper  peaceable  means  to 
obtain  redress  of  grievances.  These  failing,  it  was 
\h.e  common  understanding  among  the  members,  that 
4* 


46  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

an  appeal  was  to  be  made  to  the  last  resort,  on  the 
plea  of  necessity.  Had  that  course  teen  pursued, 
the  affair  would  have  assumed  a  different  aspect  from 
what  it  now  presents.  The  preamble  to  the  constitu- 
tion of  that  body,  has  the  following  declaration, 

'•God  helping,  we  solemnly  pledge  ourselves,  inde- 
pendently of  air  the  political  parties  and  principles  of 
the  day,  except  the  great  principles  of  American  free- 
dom, steadily  to  pursue  our  object  till  our  purpose 
shall  have  been  accomplished,  and  we  find  ourselves 
reinstated  in  the  rights  which  heaven  bequeathed  us, 
and  which  the  American  Constitution  guarantees. " 

Tn  accordance  with  this  language,  the  association 
appeal  to  Heaven  for  the  justice  of  their  cause;  and 
then  say, 

"  Next,  to  the  whole  ])eople  of  Rhode  Island,  to  aid 
our  efforts  through  the  medium  of  the  ballot  box." 

This  appeal  was  never  made ;  and  thus  one  peace- 
able mode  of  redress  was  omitted. 

The  association  then  say,  "  Next,  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  state,  to  do  us  justice, "  -  And  that 
appeal  was  never  made  ;  for  no  petition,  memorial,  or 
remonstrance,  of  the  association,  was  ever  presented 
to  the  General  Assembly  ;  and  no  effort  directed  to 
that  object,  was  ever  made  by  them.  The  only 
petitions  (o  the  Assembly,  on  the  subjects  of  suffrage 
and  representation,  presented  during  the  whole  contro- 
versy, was  the  petition  of  the  town  of  Sraithfield, 
already  noticed,  and  several  from  Elisha  Dillingham 
and  579  others  for  a  constitution,  fcc.  [See  Appendix.] 
With  the  former,  the  association  had  nothing  to  do  • 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  47 

and  the  latter,  they  disclaimed  and  repudiated.  Thus, 
the  second  and  most  essential  of  the«peaceable  modes 
of  seeking  redress  of  greviences  by  law,  was  omitted 
and  condemned,  and  the  solemn  pledge  of  the  asso- 
ciation violated. 

The  petition  of  Dillingham  was  presented  at  the 
January  session  of  the  Assembly,  previous  to  the 
Suffrage  Mass  Meeting  at  Newport,  1841  ;  while  the 
Smithfield  petition  was  still  pending,  in  reference  to 
which,  it  was  generally  anticipated  that  some  legisla- 
tive action  would  be  had,  in  order  to  effect  a  legal 
change  in  the  system  of  the  State  government.  It  is 
equally  worthy  of  note,  that,  with  these  indications, 
the  mass  meetmg  convened  in  May,  hastened  to 
appoint  a  State  Committee,  with  powers  to  call  a 
convention  to  frame  a  constitution.  And  that  the 
same  committee  was  instructed  to  call  a  convention 
after  the  Assembly  had  isi^ued  a  call  for  a  similar 
body.  The  remainder  of  the  proceedings  of  that 
committee  and  its  convention,  w6  have  already  no- 
ticed. The  reader  will  very  naturally  inquire,  where 
is  the  proof  in  all  this  history  of  proceedings,  of  the 
necessity  of  revolution  on  the  part  of  the  suffrage 
party,  seeing  a  legal  constitutional  convention  had 
already  been  called  ?  Why  not  await  the  result  ? 
Then  there  might  have  been  a  greater  show  of  neces- 
sity for  the  independent  action  of  the  people.  The 
reader  has  the  facts,  and  must  make  his  own  com- 
ments. We  will  however  state  the  reasons  assigned 
by  the  suffrage  party  themselves,  at  the  time. 

One  reason  assigned,  was,  that,  petition  after  peti- 


48  CONCISE    HISTORJ. 

tion  had  been  before  presented  to  the  Legislature,  and 
unceremoniously  •rejected  ;  and  as  that  body  had 
hitherto  spurned  all  overtures  of  that  description,  it 
was  taken  for  granted  that  they  would  still  continue 
to  do  so ;  and  that  nothing  was  to  be  hoped  for  from 
that  quarter.  Therefore  the  party  refused  to  apply. 
They  seem  to  have  forgotten  that  their  movements 
had  no  connexion  with  former  ones :  —  That  they 
had  commenced  the  work  anew,  which  made  it 
their  duty  to  go  over  the  whole  ground,  as  much  as 
though  it  had  never  been  trodden  before: — And 
that,  in  refusing  to  do  so,  they  violated  their  own 
solemn  pledge  given  at  first.  Nor  did  they  appear  to 
recollect  that,  since  1836,  a  great  change  might  have 
occurred,  and  actually  had  occurred,  in  public  opinion 
and  feeling ;  and  that  the  subject  on  which  they  were 
engaged,  was  then  before  the  General  Assembly,  with 
a  fair  prospect  of  receiving  proper  attention  ;  and 
which  would  have  been  rendered  almost  certain,  had 
the  petitions  of  Dillingham  and  others,  been  backed  up 
with  others  from  all  those  in  the  State,  favorable  to  a 
written  constitution,  and  an  extension  of  suffrage. 
Nor  does  it  appear  ever  to  have  entered  their  minds 
that,  even  had  the  aggrieved  party  the  right  to  seek 
redress  by  revolutionary  means,  the  Legislature  and 
the  constituents  of  that  body,  had  at  least  an  equal 
right  to  be  appealed  to,  and  to  be  made  acquainted 
with  the  views,  wishes,  and  ultimate  determination  of 
the  party,  th^t  they  might  have  at  least  the  opportu- 
nity to  grant  redress,  and  thus  to  prevent  the  necessity 
for  the  evils  of  revolution.. 


con6isi:  history.  49 

Another  reason  stated,  was,  that,  if  the  work  of 
forming  a  constitution  was  left  to  the  Legislature  and 
the  convention  called  by  that  body,  probably  if  any 
thing  was  done,  it  would  be  some  half-way  affair, 
designed  merely  to  satisfy  a  majority,  and  which,  hav- 
ing been  adopted  by  that  majority,  would  deprive  the 
minority  of  their  rights,  or  rather,  withhold  them. 

Such  were  the  principal  reasons  assigned  most  frev 
quently  ;  but  the  true  reason  was,  that  a  few  ambitious 
men  who  had  become  the  chief  counsellors  of  the 
suffrage  party,  the  master  spirit  among  whom,  was 
Thomas  W.  Dorr,  had  resolved  to  revolutionize  the 
State,  and  to  form  a  government  to  suit  themselves. 
They  had  determined,  and  before  the  close  of  the 
final  session  of  the  Landholder's  Convention  so  ex- 
pressed themselves,  that  they  would  accept  of  no 
constitution  from  that  body,  not  even  if  it  were  framed 
by  their  own  convention.  It  was  on  that  principle, 
and  on  that  alone,  that  the  suffrage  party  went  against 
the  Landholder's  Constitution,  without  reference  to  its 
merits  or  demerits. 

It  is  true  the  objection  was  made,  that  the  General 
Assembly  had  refused  to  allow  any  but  freeholders  to 
vote  for  delegates  —  and  also  that  the  system  of  rep- 
resentation, was  still  unequal.  The  fii'st  of  these 
objections  of  course,  is  idle ;  because  the  constitution 
should  have  been  judged  and  adopted  or  rejected,  not 
with  reference  to  the  persons  who  made  it,  but  on  its 
own  merits.  The  second  objection  had  more  weight ; 
but  that,  and  all  others  had  no  effect,  except  that  the 


50  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

constitution  was  not  that  made  by  the  People's  Con- 
vention, and  was  not  given  out  by  that  body. 

In  all  these  proceedings,  as  in  all  other  cases  of 
heated  pariizan  warfare,  the  great  mass  of  the  suf- 
frage party  acted  under  the  impulse  of  excitement; 
and  it  is  hazarding  nothing,  to  say  that  many  of  them 
at  least,  were  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  true 
objects  of  their  leaders,  or  the  rules  and  principles  on 
which  they  acted. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

When  men  are  clothed  with  the  exclusive  powers 
of  government,  it  requires  no  very  extensive  knowl- 
edge of  the  philosophy  of  human  nature,  for  any  one 
to  know  that  those  powers  are  seldom  relinquished 
without  much  reluctance.  And  except  where  force 
has  been  resorted  to,  such  occurrences  are  rare  indeed, 
unless  under  circumstances  in  which  obedience  nnist 
be  rendered  eventually  to  the  force  of  public  opinion, 
and  the  demand  of  the  popular  will.  The  freeholders 
of  Rhode  Island  found  themselves  in  possession  of  the 
political  and  civil  power  of  the  State ;  and  very  nat- 
urally determined  to  retain  it  as  long  as  possible.  It 
is  due  however  to  the  citizens  of  Providence,  and  of 
Providence  county,  to  say  that  many  of  the  freehold- 
ers, and  for  some  years  past,   nearly  if  not  quite  a 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  51 

majority  of  them,  have  been  satisfied  that  a  change 
more  congenial  to  our  democratic  republican  feelings 
must  soon  take  place,  and  ought  to  be  effected.  But 
the  freeiioldei-s  of  the  southern  portions  of  the  State, 
have  been  slow  to  relinquish  any  of  their  old  notions 
on  the  subject  of  the  elective  franchise.  Generally 
speaking,  without  any  regard  to  popular  right,  or  to 
the  progress  of  liberal  opinions,  they  have  appeared 
determined  never  to  recede.  Claiming  the  right  of 
the  freeholder  to  rule,  and  pretending  that  no  other 
man  could  safely  be  trusted  with  a  participation  in  the 
affairs  of  government,  they  have  had  the  folly  to  resist 
all  attempts  at  changCj  with  the  apparent  conviction 
that  they  would  be  able  to  stem  the  torrent  of  opposi- 
tion, and  to  carry  out  the  old  system  through  all  time. 
Holding  in  their  hands,  the  balance  of  political 
power,  and  being  still  farther  strengthened  by  great 
numbers  in  the  north,  they  steadily  refused  all  con- 
cessions, till  the  period  arrived,  when  it  was  found 
that  concession  was  necessary  to  the  safety  of  the 
State. 

Even  up  to  the  close  of  the  November  session  of 
the  legal  State  Convention  of  1841,  the  same  course 
in  the  main,  was  pertinaciously  adhered  to  though  it 
was  clearly  foreseen j  from  the  state  of  public  feeling 
at  the  time,  that  the  ground  could  nbt  be  maintained. 
Some  of  the  members  of  that  convention,  in  favor  of 
the  old  landed  qualification,  took  lessons  from  the 
aspect  of  the  times.  They  saw  in  the  distance,  and 
not  very  remote  either  the  storm  that  was  gathering, 
and  urged  on  others  the  propriety  of  yielding  to  the 


52  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

force  of  circumstances,  to  promote  the  public  peace 
and  safety.  But  the  attempt  was  futile  ;  and  the 
convention  separated  as  we  have  seen.  Before  that 
body  re-assembled,  as  has  been  stated,  the  People's 
Constitution  bad  been  given  out.  It  was  assumed 
from  statistical  data,  that  the  male  population  of  the 
State,  was  about  2? ,000,  of  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
and  upwards.  Of  tliis  number,  the  People's  State 
Convention  reported  tbat  13,164,  had  voted  for  their 
constitution,  making  a  large  majority  of  the  whole  ; 
and  of  this  number,  it  was  also  reported,  there  was  a 
majority  of  the  freemen,  or  legally  qualified  voters  of 
the  State. 

Though  it  was  very  generally  doubted  among  the 
opponents  of  the  People's  Constitution,  if  these  re- 
ports were  any  thing  like  correct,  still,  making  all  due 
allowances,  they  exhibited  an   array  with  which   the 
boldest  among  the  friends  of  the  Charter  deemed  it 
dangerous  to  contend ;  and  when  the  legal  convention 
came  together  in  February,  1842,  they  appear  to  have 
assembled  with   their  minds  fully  made  up,  to  remove 
from  the  altar  of  their  political  worship,  the  antiquated 
Charter,  the  idol  of    the  Rhode    Island   landholder. 
Accordingly,  the  way  thus  prepared,  it  required  but  a 
short  time  to  go  through  with  the  details  of  the  nev 
constitution.     [See  Appendix.]     In  that  instrument, 
though  the  landed  qualification  was  retained,  yet  the 
elective  franchise  was  given  to  all  American  citizens, 
free    of   taxation  ;    provided    they    were    twenty -one 
years  of  age,  and  resident  two  years  in  the  State,  and 
six  months  in  the  places  where  they  claimed  to  vote. 


*    CONCISE    HISTORY.  53 

Tills  constitution,  it  was  hoped,  would  satisfy  all  par- 
ties, and  quiet  the  State.  But  the  sequel,  as  we  have 
learned,  showed  that  hope  to  have  been  fallacious. 

Several  circumstances  had   already  occurred,  some 
of  which  have  been   narrated  in  the  foregoing  pages, 
to  show  that  those  who   now  controlled  the  Suffrage 
Association,  now   more  properly  speaking,   the   Suf- 
frage Party,  had   resolved   to  accept  nothing  at   the 
hands   of   the  legal   convention.      Had   a   peaceable 
issue  of   the    question    been    desired  by   them,   they 
would   have  awaited,  as  stated  before,  the  action  of 
the  legal  convention,  which  they  did  not.     Even  had 
they  deemed  it  best,  in  such  a  case,  to  call  a  conven- 
tion   of, their  own,   it  would   have   been   done   with 
instructions  to  that  body  to  draw  up  the  main  features 
which  they  wished  to  have  embodied  in  a  constitution, 
and  taken  the  sense  of  the  people  respecting  them,  by 
way  of  instruction  to  the  legal  convention  ;  and  then 
awaited  the  issue.     Their  ground  of  popular  sover- 
eignty, if  it  were  tenable   before,   would   have  been 
equally  so  afterwards,  had  the  legal  convention  refus- 
ed to  comply   with    the    popular  demand.     But  the 
tone  of  the  party  had  been  completely  changed.     Up 
to  July  5th,  1841,  they  had  disclaimed  the  doctrine 
of  free  suffrage,  and  confined  their  demands,  virtually, 
to  an  extension  of  suffrage  to  native  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  resident  in  Rhode  Island ;  and  that  on 
the  condition  of  a  tax  qualification.     Soon  after  the 
above  period,  to  increase  the  strength  of  the  party  on 
a  popular  vote,  they  insisted  on  free  suffrage,  without 
taxation,   and    including    all    naturalized    foreigners. 
5 


54  CONCISE    HiSTORT. 

The  latter  they  knew  to  be  particularly  obnoxious 
to  the  landed  interest,  and  could  make  no  calculation 
on  its  being  carried  out,  except  by  force.  Even  many 
of  their  own  party  were  decidedly  opposed  to  it,  and 
gave  to  it  a  reluctant  assent,  by  way  of  compromise. 

The  call  of  a  convention  with  imperative  instruc- 
tions to  frame  a  constitution,  and  to  give  it  out  to  the 
people,  and  the  resolution  of  the  convention  to  take 
the  vote  on  it,  and  in  case  it  should  receive  a  majority 
of  the  twenty-three  thousand,  that  it  should  "  become 
the  paramount  law  of  the  land,"  all  showed  the  deter- 
mination to  submit  to  nothing,  and  to  receive  nothing, 
at  the  hands  of  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  State. 
Added  to  these  strong  indications,  are  the  resolutions 
passed,  from  time  to  time,  in  Providence  and  else- 
where, by  the  party,  and  the  flag  displayed  by  the 
convention  at  its  final  session,  which  bore  the  inscrip- 
tion, "  The  Constitution  is  adopted  and  shall  be 
MATNTAfNED."  The  last  of  thesc  acts  occurred  on 
the  12th  of  January,,  1842,  a  month  before  the  final 
session  of  tbe  legal  convention,  and  of  course  when 
there  could  be  nothing  but  conjecture  as  to  what  that 
body  would  finally  do.  At  the  same  time,  a  State 
convention  was  recommended,  to  meet  on  the  16th  of 
February,  1842,  for  the  selection  of  State  officers 
under  the  new  constitution.  It  is  idle  to  attempt  to 
evade  any  of  these  points,  for  they  are  matters  of 
history,  and  form  a  portion  of  the  records  of  the 
Suffrage  Party.  Whatever  therefore  the  legal  con- 
vention might  do  or  not  do,  was  of  no  manner  of 
iiiiportance  to  the  party.     The  resolution  was  taken, 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  55 

to  carry  the  point  by  forcible  revolution  if  necessary, 
without  regard  to  consequences ;  and  that  object  was 
kept  steadily  in  view.  To  the  reader  it  is  left  to 
determine  on  a  review  of  the  circumstances  here  re- 
counted, whether  or  no  the  necessity  for  revolution 
had  yet  been  created. 


CHAPTER    X. 

In  order  to  show  how  far  the  Suffrage  Association 
had  reason  to  complain  of  the  constitution  finally  laid 
before  the  people  of  the  State  by  the  legal  conven- 
tion, let  us  now  compare  a  portion  of  that  instrument 
with  the  official  "  Declaration  of  Principles," 
published  in  their  organ,  the  New  Age,  and  the 
resolutions  explanatory  of  the  same,  as  adopted  at  a 
full  meeting  of  the  body  at  Providence,  Feb.  7,  1841. 
The  resolutions,  appended  to  the  Declaration,  are  as 
follows : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  power  of  the  State  should 
be  vested  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  that  the 
people  have  a  right,  from  time  to  time,  to  assemble 
together,  either  by  themselves  or  their  representatives, 
for  the  establishment  of  a  republican  Jorm  of  gov- 
ernment. 

"  Resolved,  That  whenever  a  majority  of  the  dit- 
zens  of  this  State,  who  are  recognised  as  citizens  oj 
the  United  States,  shall  by  their  delegates  in  convert 


56  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

iion  assembled,  draft  a  constitution,  and  the  same 
shall  be  accepted  by  their  constituents,  it  will  then  be 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  law  of  the  State. " 

It  was  the  doctrine  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
Association,  that  all  should  be  allowed  to  vote  for 
or  against  a  constitution,  though  but  few  thought  that 
any  should  be  allowed  under  a  constitution,  unless 
they  were  taxed  in  some  way  for  the  support  and 
protection  of  the  Stale.  As  the  above  resolutions 
left  the  subject  in  a  very  indefinite  state,  and  as  the 
Association  did  not  wish  to  be  considered  as  advo- 
cating the  doctrine  of  free  suffrage,  a  resolution  was 
offered  by  a  member,  and  adopted  ;  which  is  as 
follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  Associa- 
tion, the  two  most  important  objects  to  be  gained  in 
the  formation  of -a  constitution,  is  equal  representation 
and  a  liberal  extension  of  suffrage.  Therefore  we 
are  of  opinion  that  to  accomprudi  these  objects,  all 
who  are  interested  should  be  allowed  to  participate  in 
its  formation.  '* 

An  extension  of  suffrage  has  ever  been,  In  this 
State,  put  in  opposition  to  free  suffrage.  So  the 
Association  considered  it  when  the  above  resolution 
was  adojited  ;  and  so  true  is  this,  that,  up  to  July, 
1841,  the  subject  of  free  and  universal  suffrage  was 
prohibited  from  being  discussed  at  the  meetings.  The 
Association  then  changed  its  ground.     In  respect  to 


-      CONCISE    HISTORY.  57 

voting  for  or  against  a  constitution,  the  legal  conven- 
tion did  not  go  quite  as  far  as  the  Association's 
"  declaration  of  principles."  But  in  the  provisions 
relative  to  the  elective  franchise,  they  establised  a 
more  "  liberal  extension  of  suffrage  than  the  "  decla- 
ration of  principles"  claimed,  or  than  the  Association 
had  ever  ventured  to  advocate  till  after  the  great  mass 
conventions,  when  a  considerable  portion  of  a  politi- 
cal party  had,  as  such,  been  incorporated  into  the 
body,  and  a  new  mode  of  action  adopted. 

On  the  ground  of  suffrage,  then,  it  cannot  be  de- 
nied, that  the  legal  convention,  though  the  Assembly 
had  been  presented  with  no  petition  from  the  Associ- 
ation, and  acted  with  reference  only  to  public' opinion, 
conceded  more  than  that  Association  had  ever  demand- 
ed before  they  had  determined  to  have  no  constitution 
but  one  of  their  own  making.  On  the  subject  of 
representation  in  the  Lower  House  of  the  Assembly, 
it  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  two  constitutions, 
there  is  a  difference  ;  yet,  after  all,  that  adopted  by 
the  legal  convention,  all  things  considered,  is  quite  as 
just  as  the  other.  The  representation  in  the  Senate 
is  unequal ;  and  is  the  worst  feature  in  the  whole 
work.  But  these  evils  are,  in  the  main,  of  no  sort  of 
importance  ;  because,  as  has  been  before  noticed,  the 
Suffrage  Party,  at  least  those  who  controlled  the 
movements  of  the  body,  had  determined  that,  good 
or  bad,  it  should  not  go  into  effect,  and  that  the  Peo- 
ple's Constitution  should  be  maintained.  Objections 
were  however  made  by  them,  and  strenuous  ones,  to 
the  Landholder's  Constitution,  on  that  account.  The 
5* 


58  CONCISE    HISTOnT. 

same  objections  were  made  by  many  others  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  State,  of  the  opposite  party  ;  and 
acting  on  those  objections,  some  of  the  latter  party 
voted  against  the  constitution.  Others  voted  for  it  as 
the  best  compromise  that  could  be  obtained  at  the 
time,  though  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  concessions 
made  by  it  to  the  southern  agricultural  counties,  were 
greater  than  could  have  been  justified  on  any  other 
ground,  than  the  strong  desire  which  prevailed,  to  restore 
peace  and  harmony  to  the  State,  by  propitiating  all  par- 
ties, even  at  a  sacrifice.  The  attempt  was  made,  but 
as  has  been  seen,  failed.  The  constitution  was  re- 
jected by  a  majority  of  about  700  votes  ;  which 
majority  was  more  than  made  up  by  persons  opposed 
to  the  Suffrage  Party,  and  some  of  whom  were  in 
favor  of  the  Charier,  and  op])osed  to  a  constitution  in 
any  form,  and  others,  as  already  hinted,  from  other 
causes.  The  Suffrage  Party  now  proceeded  on  their 
course.  They  resolved  anew  to  establish  the  Peo- 
ple's Constitution,  to  use  their  own  language,  "by 
all  necessary  means.''  And,  to  leave  nothing  to  un- 
certain conjecture  as  to  the  true  intention  of  this  lan- 
guage, the  flag  of  the  convention  was  displayed  at 
all  their  weekly  meetings  in  Providence,  with  the 
inscription  "The  Constitution  is  adopted,  and 
SHALL  BE  MAINTAINED  ;  "  and  many  of  the  speakers 
at  those  meetings  freely  discussed  the  subject  of  a 
resort  to  arms,  and  were  cheered  and  applauded  by 
their  audience  in  a  vociferous  manner.  They  soon 
commenced  a  military  enrollment,  and  organised  com- 
panies in    the   several   wards    in   Providence,  which 


CONCISE    HISTORV.  59 

armed  themselves,  and  put  themselves  under  a  course 
of  drilhng,  and  almost  nightly  paraded  the  streets. 
Besides  these  one  entire  chartered  company,  called 
the  Independent  Volunteers,  espoused  their  cause, 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  United  Train  of  Artillery,  a 
majority  of  the  National  Cadets,  a  large  portion  of  the 
First  Light  Infantry,  all  in  the  city  of  Providence, 
and  two  or  three  small  companies  in  several  of  the 
country  towns. 

Matters  thus  appeared  to  be  drawing  near  to  a  crisis  ; 
but  still,  the  most  prominent  men  in  what  was  now 
the  Landholders' Party,  felt  little  or  no  alarm,  although 
there  was  much  excitement  in  the  community,  and 
many  vague  and  undefined  apprehensions  of  an  ulti- 
mate collision.  The  public  mind  was  in  a  state  of 
fearful  suspense,  and  looking  forward  to  the  termina- 
tion of  the  affair,  with  intense  anxiety.  It  was  how- 
ever the  o[)inion  of  the  better  informed  portion  of  the 
Landholders'  Party,  or  as  they  now  called  themselves, 
the  "  Law  and  Order  Part?,  "  that  there  would  be 
no  collision  :  — That  the  Suffrage  Party,  at  least  the 
most  responsible  portion  of  it,  would  give  back,  after 
having  reached  a  point  beyond  which  they  could  not 
go  without  resort  to  violence,  or  the  commission  of  a 
flagrant  breach  of  law.  And,  in  this  way  they  amused 
themselves,  and  suffered  themselves  to  be  deceived, 
as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  while  the  Suffrage  Party  were 
pursuing,  step  by  step,  and  without  any  serious  obsta- 
cle, the  course  they  had  marked  out. 


60  CONCISE    HISTORY 


CHAPTER   XI. 

IiDmediately  on  the  rejection  of  the  Landholders' 
Constitution,  it  was  agreed  among  all  the  prominent 
men  in  the  party,  as  well  as  among  the  members  of 
the  party  generally,  that  another  attempt  should  be 
made  as  soon  as  practicable,  consistent  with  the  exist- 
ing state  of  affairs,  by  means  of  another  convention,  to 
settle  the  question  by  putting  out  another  constitution 
which  should  obviate  the  reasonable  objections  against 
the  recent  one,  and  render  it  more  acceptable  to  the 
people.  But  as  the  Suffrage  Party  had  declared  that 
they  would  accept  of  no  compromise,  and  would  not 
accept  even  of  their  own  constitution  from  the  hands 
of  the  Landholders  Convention,  and  were  determined 
to  organize  their  government  without  reference  to  any 
authority  but  their  own,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to 
await  a  period,  thought  not  to  be  very  remote,  when 
the  excitement  should  have  abated,  and  when  affairs 
should  have  assumed  an  aspect  that  would  afford  an  op- 
portunity for  more  deliberate  action.  For  these  reasons, 
the  General  Assembly,  which  convened  at  Providence 
on  the  28th  day  of  March,  1842,  to  hold  an  extra 
session  to  ascertain  and  proclaim  the  result  of  the  vote 
on  the  constitution,  took  no  measures  for  the  call  of  a 
convention.  At  that  session,  a  committee  was  appoint- 
ed to  make  a  report  on  the  subject.  They  according- 
ly arrayed  in  their  report,  what  they  supposed  to  be 
the  main  facts,  and  all  of  which,  with  some  amplifica- 
tions and  additions,  have  been  or  will  be  given  in 


CONCISE    HISTORT.  61 

these  pages.  In  their  report,  they  speak  of  the  de- 
termination of  the  Suffrage  Party  to  yield  nothing,  and 
say  ''Such  a  spirit  is  beyond  the  reach  of  conciliation 
or  compromise.  Nothing  can  satisfy  such  men  but  a 
triumph  over  the  law,  and  a  prostration  of  the  govern- 
ment to  unhallowed  purposes."  Taking  into  view 
the  previous  resolution  of  the  Suffrage  Party  that  they 
would  support  their  constitution  "  by  all  necessary 
means, "  and  "  repel  force  by  force, "  the  committee 
recommend  prompt  action  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  call  on  all  good  citizens  to  array  themselves 
on  their  side.  The  report  concludes  with  a  proposi- 
tion to  adopt  resolutions  which  were  appended.  They 
called  on  the  Governor  to  issue  his  proclamation  ex- 
horting the  good  people  of  the  state  to  give  no  aid  or 
countenance  to  the  attempt  to  set  up  the  new  govern- 
ment ;  —  to  adopt  such  measures  as  in  his  opinion 
might  be  necessary,  to  execute  the  laws,  and  preserve 
the  state  from  domestic  violence :  —  And  reported 
the  act  since  called  the  Algerine  Law,  which  will  be 
found  in  the  Appendix.  These  were  all  passed,  with 
some  few  dissenting  voices. 

Of  the  Algerine  Law,  so  called  by  the  opposing 
party,  every  one  can  judge,  on  its  perusal.  That  par- 
ty of  course  uhanimou«:ly  condemned  it,  and  it  found 
but  little  favor  with  not  a  few  of  the  supporters  of  the 
existing  government.  Its  policy  may  be  considered, 
in  some  respects,  fairly  questionable,  as  it  served  rather 
to  exasperate  than  to  reconcile.  'One  point  calculated 
on  however  by  its  passage,  was  gained.  It  soon  thin- 
ned out  the  number  of  candidates  for  offices  under  the 


62  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

People's  Constitution,  made  extremely  difficult  to  611 
with  responsible  persons,  the  vacancies  thus  occasion- 
ed, and  drew  off  many  from  that  party,  who  never 
having  intended  a  resort  to  physical  force,  left  when 
they  found  the  government  in  earnest.  The  govern- 
ment party  had  calculated  that,  by  means  of  this  law, 
they  would  prevent  farther  proceedings  under  the 
People's  Constitution,  and  bring  the  community  gener- 
ally into  a  state  of  feeling  favorable  to  a  settlement  of 
the  vexed  question  by  means  of  another  constitution. 
But  the  hope  was  vain,  and  affairs  soon  assumed  a 
more  serious  aspect. 

During  the  extra  session,  the  members  of  the  As- 
sembly who  favored  tl)e  cause  of  the  Suffrage  Party, 
were  on  the  alert,  made  various  propositions, and  stren- 
uously and  ably  sustained  them.  Among  them  was 
one  to  put  out  the  People's  Constitution  to  be  voted 
on  a  second  time,  and  another  for  the  existing  govern- 
ment to  abdicate,  and  to  give  place  to  the  new  one 
about  to  be  formed.  On  the  grounds  already  stated, 
that  the  Suffrage  Party  would  not  accept,  by  way  of 
compromise,  even  their  own  constitution,  and  because 
the  General  Assembly  was  oj)posed  to  it,  and  deter- 
mined not  to  yield,  the  former  proposition  was  prompt- 
ly rejected.  The  latter  was  spurned  at  as  an  indigni- 
ty offered  to  the  government.  And  thus,  the  extra 
session  terminated  ;  not  forgetting  however,  that  a  bill 
had  been  presented  before  the  close,  and  promptly 
rejected,  providing  fcrr  an  extension  of  suffrage. 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  63 

CHAPTER  XII. 

All  the  Legislative  proceedings  of  the  Assembly 
failed  to  retard  the  progress  of  the  Suffrage  Par- 
ty. They  had  defined  their  course,  and  marked 
their  object ;  and  boldly  determined  to  pursue  the 
former,  till  they  had  reached  the  latter.  Accord- 
ingly, in  due  time,  they  611  ed  all  the  vacancies  ta 
their  mutilated  ticket,  which  had  been  occasioned 
by  the  sweeping  process  of  the  "  Algerine  Law;" 
and  when  the  eventful  18th  day  of  April,  1842, 
had  arrived,  on  which  their  elections  were  to 
be  held  in  accordance  with  a  provision  in  their  con- 
stitution, they  found  means  to  organise  meetings  in 
eveiy  town  in  the  state,  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
and  cast  their  votes  for  the  various  officers  of  state, 
counties,  and  towns,  to  organise  their  government. 
The  preparation  for  that  event  commenced  and  pro- 
gressed, as  an  ordinary  occurrence.  The  seal  of  the 
state  was  copied,  anda/ac  simile  engraving  procured. 
Orders,  in  the  form  of  requests,  were  issued  to  the 
military  in  Providence  and  elsewhere,  which  adhered 
to  the  new  government,  to  appear  in  the  city  on  the 
fourth  of  May,  to  perform  escort  duty  on  the  occasion 
of  organising  the  new  government.  Meetings  were 
held  by  the  party,  as  usual,  and  the  subject  of  an  ap- 
peal to  arms,  in  case  the  old  government  refused  to 
resign  in  favor  of  the  new  one,  was  as  fully  and  freely 
discussed,  and  as  openly,  as  though  the  question  of 
right  had  already  been  settled  and  the  claims  of  the 


64  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

new  government  fairly  and  fully  recognised.  Many 
persons  gave  back  when  these  demonstrations  were 
made,  having  no  desire  to  resort  to  extremities  ;  but 
the  great  body  remained  firm,  and  appeared  to  be 
ready  to  proceed  onward,  at  all  hazards. 

The  nature  of  the  escort  duty  to  be  performed,  was 
well  understood  to  be  a  measure  of  defence  at  least ; 
and  from  the  hints  dropped  by  many,  and  the  plain 
declarations  of  others,  the  object  in  the  collection  of 
the  force  was  supposed  to  be  offensive.  The  sub- 
sequent declarations  of  Mr.  Dorr,  in  his  Proclamation 
as  Governor  of  the  state,  justifies  the  conclusion  that 
the  force  was  called  in,  as  far  as  he  was  concerned, 
for  the  double  purpose  of  resisting  any  legal  process, 
or  military  attack,  on  the  part  of  the  existing  govern- 
ment, and  of  taking  possession  of  the  state  property. 

Many  continued  to  believe  that  the  government 
contemplated  to  be  formed  under  the  People's  Con- 
stitution, would  never  be  organised.  But  the  adher- 
ents of  that  cause  paid  no  heed  to  those  surmises; 
and,  except  those  who  -drew  back  on-  beholding  the 
visage  of  war  in  the  distance,  kept  up  the  din  of  pre- 
paration, and  faltered  not  in  their  course.  Their  tone 
was  as  bold  and  confident  as  though  they  already 
wielded  the  reins  of  power ;  and  what  was  to  be  done 
by  the  new  goveinment,  and  how  affairs  were  to  be 
managed,  was  promulgated  with  all  possible  assurance. 
Hitherto,  the  charter  government  had  done  nothing 
but  resolve,  and  re-resolve;  and  had  not  made  a 
single  advance  by  way  of  preparation  for  defence. 
The  "  Algerine  Law  "   it  is  true   stared  the  Suffrage 


CONCISE    BISTORT.  65 

Party  in  the  face,  but  was  laid,  inactive,  on  the  shelf 
while  the  government  party  stared  at,  and  talked  to 
each  other,  and  compared  notes,  and  left  their  oppo- 
nents to  manage  their  affairs  in  their  own  way,  without 
molestation.  At  length  however,  it  was  found  neces- 
sary, either  to  relinquish  the  government  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  associates,  or  to  make  pre- 
parations to  sustain  it.  The  military  of  the  state, 
Vith  the  exception  of  some  half  dozen  chartered  com- 
panies, was  in  a  state  of  complete  disorganization,  and 
even  a  portion  of  them,  as  before  said,  sided  with  the 
new  government.  In  this  emergency.  Gov.  King 
decided  to  call  on  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
for  aid.  The  requisition  was  made  through  a  com- 
mission which  proceeded  directly  to  the  seat  of  the 
national  government.  The  reply  relumed  by  the 
President  was  prompt,  and  measurably  decided  in  its 
tone,  though  not  what  was  expected  by  many.  Be- 
ing too  lengthy  for  insertion  within  om;  narrow  limits, 
we  can  only  sketch  its  material  points. 

The  President  considered  the  expression  of  opinion 
on  the  question  at  issue  in  the  state,  as  out  of  his 
province  ;  it  being,  in  his  view,  a  question  of  munici- 
pal regulation,  which  the  state  must  settle  for  itself, 
and  with  which  the  general  government  could  have 
nothing  to  do.  For  himself,  he  recognised  the  exist- 
ing government  of  the  ^tate,  and  considered  it  his 
duty  to  interfere  to  protect  it  by  means  of  force  if 
necessary  ;  but,  at  the  same  time  he  declared  he  had 
no  authority  to  anticipate  insurrectionary  movements, 
and  gave  it  to  be  readily  understood,  that  he  did  not 
6 


66  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

feel  at  liberty  to  furnish  such  aid,  till  some  overt  act 
of  violence  should  have  been  committed.  He  express- 
ed a  reliance  on  the  good  sense  of  the  people  of  the 
state,  that  they  wouFd  not  rush  into  revolution  to  obtain 
redress  of  grievences,  and  that,  with  the  government 
itself,  a  spirit  of  conciliation  would  prevail  over  rash 
councils.  The  letter  bore  date,  Washington,  April 
11,  1842. 

From  the  tenor  of  this  letter,  though  the  ultimate 
support  of  the  Executive  was  ensured,  still  it  seemed 
remote,  and  the  condition  of  an  overt  act  of  violence 
before  it  could  be  realised,  was  any  thing  but  pleasant 
to  contemplate.  The  letter  did  nothing  to  allay  ti]e 
excitement,  nor  to  impede  the  progress  of  those  en- 
gaged in  the  erection  of  the  new  government ;  for, 
though  some  of  their  adherents  gave  back,  those  who 
remained  were  daily  strengthened  in  their  resolutions, 
by  the  tone  of  sundry  presses  abroad,  wliich  declared 
that,  in  case  tjie  government  at  Washington  should 
interfere  by  force  in  the  quarrel,  all  necessary  means 
should  be  furnished  from  other  states,  to  sustain  the 
Suffrage  Party  against  them. 

Affairs  had  now  assumed  an  aspect  which  was 
alarming  to  the  peaceably  disposed  citizens  of  ihe 
state,  of  all  parties.  The  government  party  saw  the 
laws  defied  and  violated  ;  and  whatever  power  they 
might  have,  to  attempt  to  execute  thern  at  the  expense 
of  the  blood  of  either  party,  was  a  painful  alternative, 
from  which  they  shrank  with  horror.  Nor  had  they 
ever  intended  the  military  force  of  the  United  States 
should   proceed  to  hostilities,  except  in  case  of  dire 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  67 

necessity,  had  such  a  force  been  furnished.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  men  who  controlled  the  destinies  of  the 
opposite  party,  had  declared  it  their  invincible  deter- 
mination, never  to  strike  the  first  hostile  blow,  and  not 
to  act  at  all,  except  on  the  defensive.  But  then 
neither  party  trusted  implicitly  in  the  good  faith  of 
the  other ;  and,  to  make  the  matter  worse,  the  defen- 
sive action  of  the  Suffrage  Party,  to  use  their  own 
explanation,  was  resistance  to  the  existing  legal  au- 
thorities, in  all  attempts  to  execute  the  provisions  of 
the  "  Algerine  Law,  "  so  called  by  them,  and  to  pre- 
vent the  organization  and  establishment  of  the  new 
government.  A  general  gloom  was  spread  over  the 
city -of  Providence,  the  principal  arena  of  the  quarrel. 
Father  was  arrayed  against  son,  and  son  against  father. 
Brothers  and  friends  were  found  in  opposite  ranks,  in 
hostile  array  against  ea<:h  other :  —  Confidence  was 
destroyed: — Business- was  at  a  stand;— And  no 
one  could  predict  what  was  next  to  come.  In  this 
dilemma,  the  Charter  Government  of  the  State  find- 
ing its  powers  entirely  inadequate  to  the  crisis,  con- 
cluded to  convene  the  General  Assembly  in  special 
session.  The  call  was  maK^e,  and  the  Assembly  con- 
vened at  Providence,  April  25th,  1842, 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

1  session  referred  to  a 
preceding  chapter,  a  spirit  appeared  to  perradS'the 


At  the  special  session  referred  to  at  the  close  ^^he 

i"t] 


68  CONCISE    ISHTORY. 

body,  with  a  few  exceptions,  to  sustain  the  govern- 
ment in  its  hour  of  peril,  and  to  carry  it  through  the 
approaching  crisis  at  all  hazards,  and  at  every  neces- 
sary sacrifice.  By  a  portion  of  the  people  who  favor- 
ed and  sustained  its  cause,  it  was  thought  adviseable 
to  take  measures  to  call  a  convention  :  and  a  portion 
of  that  portion  ^also  wished  that,  as  a  preliminary 
measure,  the  Assembly  would  extend  the  suffrage  in 
the  choice  of  delegates  to  that  convention.  Those 
who  expressed  such  sentiments  were  comparatively 
few  however,  as  many  of  the  party,  some  of  them  the 
most  ardent  and  unwavering  friends  of  an  extension, 
were  of  the  opinion  that  the  legislature  owed  it  to 
themselves,  and  to  the  state,  not  to  act  in  such  an 
emergency ;  but  that  all  action  on  the  subject  should 
be  suspended,  until  it  could  take  place  free  from  all 
intimidation,  and  with  all  due  deliberation.  Resolu- 
tions were  however  introduced  to  call  a  convention, 
and  to  extend  the  suffrage  in  voting  for  dglegates. 
But  they  were  postponed  ;  the  Assembly  declining  to 
do  any  thing  on  the  subject  in  the  then  state  of  public 
feeling,  and  especially  as,  in  about  a  week  afterwards 
a  new  Assembly  was  to  convene,  which  had  previous- 
ly been  elected  by  the  freemen.  ^ 

At  this  special  session,  resolutions  passed  to  author- 
ise the  Governor  to  take  measures,  in  his  discretion, 
to  secure  and  protect  the  public  property,  and  to  fill 
vacancies  in  militia  offices.  A  Board  of  Councillors 
was  also  appointed,  to  advise  and  assist  the  Governor 
in  ^le  discharge  of  his  duties,  which  had  now  become 
arduous  and  critical.     A  resolution  was  also  proposed 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  69 

to  authorise  the  Governor  to  accept  the  services  of 
volunteers ;  but  it  was  deemed  unconstitutional,  and 
laid  aside.  Some  other  business  was  transacted,  but 
notliing  of  any  special  importance,  and  the  Assembly 
adjourned.  Meantime,  the  public  excitement  con- 
tinued to  increase  instead  of  being  abated ;  and  the 
Suffrage  Party,  at  least  those  who  continued  to  act 
in  that  capacity,  relaxed  not  an  iota  in  their  stern 
resolves,  or  boldness  of  speech  and  action  ;  but 
pressed  fonvard  with  unsurpassed  energy,  for  the 
completion  of  their  projects. 

The  first  election  under  the  People's  Constitution, 
occurred,  as  already  stated,  on  the  18th  of  April, 
previous  to  the  special  session  of  the  Assembly  above 
named.  Thomas  Wilson  Dorr,  of  Providence,  to 
whom  reference  has  been  several  times  made  in 
the  foregoing  pages,  was  elected  Governor.  From 
the  unconquerable  obstinacy  of  the  man,  from  his 
tenacious  adherence  to  the  principle  of  universal 
Suffrage,  from  his  indefatigable  perseverance  in  any 
and  every  cause  in  which  he  might  be  engaged,  as 
well  as  from  his  good  talents  and  acquirements,  no  one 
for  a  moment  supposed  he  would  recede  from  the 
ground  he  had  talcen,  or  relinquish  his  purpose  as  long 
as  a  ray  of  hope  remained.  And  when  it  was  found 
that  the  Suffrage  Party  had  also  elected  a  full  Senate, 
and  nearly  a  full  House,  of  men  who  had  dared  to 
accept  office  in  defiance  of  the  legislative  enactments, 
there  were  but  very  few  of  the  government  party  who 
did  not  fully  make  up  their  minds  that  the  dreaded 
crisis  must  come.  Still,  very  little,  if  any,  actual 
6* 


70  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

preparation  was  made  to  meet  it.  Immediately  after 
the  above  election,  on  the  next  day,  April  19th,  the 
regular  election  was  held  under  the  Charter.  Goverx 
nor  King  was  re-elected  by  a  very  large  majority  of 
the  freemen ;  as  was  also  a  Senate  in  support  of  the 
existing  government ;  and  which  was  composed  of 
five  men  from  each  of  the  political  parties.  The 
House  of  Representatives  was  composed  of  men  also 
pledged  to  the  government,  without  distinction  of 
party,  except  six,  who  were  the  adherents  of  Mr. 
Dorr.  We  had  now  two  governments  elect  in  the 
State,  each  equally  determined  and  resolved  not  to 
yield  to  the  other,  and  thus  affairs  stood  till  the  3d 
of  May. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

According  to  the  provision  of  the  People's  Con- 
stitution to  that  effect,  the  officers  of  the  State,  elect, 
under  that  instrument,  assembled  in  the  city  of  Provi- 
dence on  the  3d  of  May,  1842,  for  the  purpose  of 
organizing  a  government  for  the  State  of  Rhode 
Island.  The  State  House  having  been  refused  them 
by  the  authorities,  they  proceeded,  in  due  time,  to 
an  unfinished  building  which  was  designed  for  a  foun- 
dry, and  which  had  been  obtained  for  their  use.  On 
the  morning  of  that  day,  the  people  began  to  assem- 
ble ;  and  at  an  early  hour  in  the  forenoon,  the  num- 
ber was  largeT  A  procession  was  formed,  and  pro^ 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  71 

ceeded  to  the  place  of  meeting  under  a  military 
escort.  It  had  been  given  out,  that  there  would  be  a 
body  of  military  present,  to  the  amount  of  at  least 
1500;  and  it  was  generally  believed  by  the  adherents 
of  the  new  government,  that  it  would  amount  to 
2500.  The  whole  affair  was  however  meagre  to 
what  was  generally  expected  on  either  hand.  The 
entire  military,  including  officers,  amounted  to  no 
more  than  495  men  ;  and  the  entire  number  of  per- 
sons in  the  procession,  armed  and  unarmed,  to  1650. 
The  new  legislature  was  organised  in  the  usual  form, 
and  proceeded  to  business.  In  proceeding  to  the 
place  of  meeting,  the  portion  of  the  procession  com- 
posed of  Mr.  Dorr  and  the  other  members  of  the 
government  elect,  was  flanked,  on  the  right  and  left, 
by  a  military  guard.  And  the  guard,  as  well  as  all 
the  other  military  in  the  procession,  were  supposed  to 
march  with  loaded  muskets,  and  furnished  with  ball 
catridges.  During  the  day,  no  popular  disturbance 
occurred,  and  at  night,  all  was  quiet.  There  was 
also  a  military  guard  at  the  place  of  meeting,  during 
business  hours  through  the  session,  and  at  Mr.  Dorr's 
quarters,  at  other  times. 

The  session  of  the  People's  General  Assembly,  as 
the  above  was  called  by  its  friends,  was  short.  It 
was  convened  on  the  3d  of  May,  and  adjourned  on 
the  5tb,  to  assemble  at  Providence  again  on  Monday, 
July  4th,  1842.  In  the  course  of  the  session,  not  a 
yast  deal  of  business  was  attempted.  A  message 
was  delivered  by  Mr.,  now  styled  Governor  Dorr,  in 
which  he  laid  before  the  assembled  body  a  sort  of 


72  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

detailed  history  of  events  connected  with  the  move- 
ments and  proceedings  of  the  party,  and  marked  out 
-a  course  of  policy  to  be  pursued.  The  message  was 
bold,  firm,  and  decided  in  its  tone,  and  dignified  in  its 
character,  as  might  have  been  expected  of  the  man. 
The  first  legislative  act  performed,  was,  the  passage 
of  resolutions  to  inform  the  President  and  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  and  the  Governors  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  of  the  establishment  of  the  new  govern- 
ment. A  proposition  was  made  by  Mr.  Dorr,  to  take 
possession  of  the  State  House  in  Providence,  and 
other  State  property.  But  he  was  overruled  by  his 
legislature,  who  were  not  prepared  to  second  him. 
The  policy  of  Mr.  Dorr  was  undoubtedly  the  true 
one,  as  it  would  have  manifested  a  full  confidence  in 
the  legitimacy  of  the  new  government,  and  the 
determination  to  sustain  it ;  and  strengthened  the 
confidence  of  its  friends.  The  manner  in  which 
they  shrank  from  the  proposed  measure,  savored 
either  of  timidity,  or  a  want  of  confidence,  which- 
was  more  fully  shown  by  the  subsequent  conduct  of 
a  large  portion  of  the  members,  who,  in  quick  suc- 
cession, have  informed  the  public,  through  the  medi- 
um of  the  press,  that  they  have  resigned  their  respec- 
tive offices.  Towards  the  close  of  the  session,  a 
resolution  was  adopted,  and  agents  were  appointed 
under  it,  to  demand  possession  of  the  public  records, 
funds,  and  other  property ;  but  affairs  soon  assumed 
such  a  form  as  to  render  the  demand  a  somewhat 
dangerous  business  ;  and  it  was  never  made.  Little 
was  done  in  the  way  of  organizing  the  various  depart- 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  73 

ments  of  government.  A  few  inferior  offices  were 
filled,  and  the  famous  '•  Algerine  Law "  was  for- 
mally repealed  with  all  due  solemnity  ;  while,  ludi- 
crously enough,  the  old  courts,  well  known  to  be 
strongly  opposed  to  the  revolutionary  movement,  were 
continued  in  office.  The  reason  probably  was,  that 
the  candidates  for  the  Bench  under  the  People's  Con- 
stitution, had  sundry  misgivings  about  assuming  the 
responsibilities  of  office.  Thus  the  session  passed  off, 
leaving  the  mere  skeleton  of  a  government,  without 
either  moral  or  physical  force  to  give  it  maturity  or 
life. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

Ik  conformity  with  the  provision  of  the  Charter, 
the  General  A<?sembly  elected  by  the  legal  freemen 
of  the  State,  assembled  at  Newport,  on  Wednesday, 
May  4th,  to  organise  the  government  for  the  ensuing 
year,  and  to  transact  such  business  as  might  be  deem- 
ed necessary.  The  Assembly  was  duly  organised  on 
that  day,  and  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  affairs 
connected  with  the  important  crisis  which  had  arrived. 
All  hope  of  conciliation  had  passed  away,  unless  by 
an  unconditional  submission  to  the  demands  of  the 
parly  with  Mr.  Dorr  at  its  head,  which  was,  the 
abdication  of  the  Charter  government,  and  the  full 
and  complete  surrender  of  all  its  powers  into  the 
bands  of  the  body  elected  under  the  People's  Consti- 


74  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

tution.  This  was  not  to  be  thought  of;  and  the 
General  Assembly  proceeded  at  once  to  adopt  meas- 
ures to  repel  force  by  force.  Immediately  after  the 
organization  of  the  Assembly,  a  resolution  was  intro- 
duced, declaring  that  the  crisis  had  arrived,  which 
was  contemplated  in  the  letter  to  the  Governor  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States ;  and  calling  on 
the  latter  for  aid.  For,  though  no  actual  violence 
had  been  committed  by  the  party  in  arms,  yet  the 
holding  of  their  legislative  session,  assuming  and  eicer- 
cising  the  powers  of  government,  and  openly  arraying 
an  armed  force  with  apparently  hostile  intentions, 
were  deemed  treasonable  and  insurrectionary.  The 
Assembly,  and  their  constituents,  did  not  consider 
that  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
required  that  actual  violence  and  bloodshed  should 
take  place,  as  a  condition  of  the  promised  succor,  and 
desired  to  be  able  to  array  a  force  on  the  side  of  the 
government  of  the  State,  which  would  be  competent 
to  overawe  the  disaffected  party,  and  prevent  such  an 
awful  catastrophe.  After  a  long  debate,  in  which 
some  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  government, 
in  the  Assembly,  took  a  yery  active  part  in  opposition, 
the  resolutions  passed  by  a  vote  of  56  to  6  ;  and 
commissioners  were  immediately  despatched  to  the 
seat  of  the  General  Government,  with  full  powers  on 
behalf  of  the  State.  Measures  were  taken  at  this 
session  to  disband  a  disaffected  chartered  military 
company  in  the  city  of  Providence,  and  to  reorgan- 
ise, and  to  prepare  for  active  ^^uty,  the  military  in 
general.     The  Assembly  then  a^ourned,  after  a  ses- 


CONCISE    HlStORr.  75 

slot!  of  only  two  days,  to  await  the  issue  of  the 
requisition  on  the  President,  and  to  meet  again  at 
Newport  on  the  Wednesday  following  ;  May  1 1 . 

The  return  of  Governor  King,  and  a  portion  of  the 
Assembly,  from  Newport  to  Providence,  afforded  an 
opportunity  for  the  display  of  feeling  in   those  two 
places.     On  Wednesday  evening,  some  half  a  dozen 
individuals  in  Providence,  proposed  to  get  up  a  pro- 
cession and  escort  for  the  occasion.     On  Thursday,  a 
committee  of  arrangements  was  appointed.     On  Fri- 
day, the  Newport  Artillery,  numbering  more  than  80, 
and  about   300   citizens   without  arms,  escorted   the 
Governor  and  his  friends  to  the  steamboat  on  their 
departure  from  that  town.     On  their  arrival  at  Provi- 
dence, they  were  received  by  an   escort,  consisting  of 
the   First   Light  Infantry,  numbering    105   men,  the 
Marine  Artillery!,  70,  the  National  Cadets,  83,  and 
635  citizens  without  arms ;  making,  in  all,  1050  per- 
sons.     Previous   to  the   arrival   of  the   Governor,   a 
report  was   put  in  circulation  that  an  attempt  would 
be  made  to  seize  his  person  ;  and  the  report  gained 
some  credence  in  consequence  of  certain  demonstra- 
tions   made    by   the    opponents    of   the    government. 
The  soldiers  composing  the  military  escort  were  there- 
fore served  with  ball  catridges  on  the  occasion ;  but 
whether  there  was  a  serious  intention  entertained  of 
seizing    the    Governor,   or   the   precautions    taken   to 
prevent  it  proved  an  effectual  hint,  the  attempt  was 
not  made. 

Immediately  after  the  close  of  the  session  of  the 
Assembly  under   the   People's   Constitution,  several 


76  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

arrests  were  made,  of  prominent  men  in  that  body. 
Those  arrests,  at  least  those  made  in  the  city  of  Prov- 
idence, were  generally  attended  with  a  good  deal  of 
commotion,  and  larye  crowds  attended  at  the  place  of 
examination.  Except  in  one  instance  however,  no 
attempt  was  made  at  a  rescue,  and  that  was  overcome 
by  the  efforts  of  the  person  under  arrest.  Mr.  Dorr 
himself  was  surrounded  by  his  friends.  It  was  sup- 
posed that  any  attempt  to  take  him  would  be  attended 
with  violence,  and  probably  with  bloodshed  ;  and  as 
the  authorities,  under  the  existing  circumstances,  did 
not  feel  disposed  to  resort  to  extremities,  he  was 
suffered  to  remain  unmolested.  The  tone  and  feeling 
of  his  friends  at  that  time,  may  be  judged  of,  from  the 
following  notice  published  in  his  official  organ,  the 
Providence  Daily  Express,  May  10th,  1842 : 

"  THE    PEOPLE    OF    RHODE    ISLA^fD,  TO    ARMS  !  " 

PARTICULAR  NOTICE. 

The  following  is  the  order  of  proceedings  under 
the  "  Algerine  act "  to  the  present  time,  according  to 
their  respective  dates. 

4th.*  James  Joslin,  Esq.,  late  Judge  of  the  Court 
of  Common  Pleas  for  the  County  of  Newport,  was 
arrested    for    Treason,    may    7tti,   on    complaint   of 

OCT" J  of  Newport,  .XO  Warrant  issued  by 

(Cr  JOB  DURFEE.t«£:o 

5th.  Benjamin  Arnold,   Jr.,  ,of  Providence,  ar- 

*  A  prior  notice  had  been  published,  up  to  No.  S^inclueive. 
t  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 


CONCISE    BISTORT.  77 

rested  for  Treason,  May  9th,  and  committed  to  prison. 
Arrested  by  05^  DANIEL  K.  CHAFFEE,  High 
Street,.^  on  complaint  of  HENRY  G.  MUM- 
FORD,  Bowen  Street.  The  warrant  was  issued  by 
{Cf  HENRY  L.  BOWEN,  George  Street,  ^^ 
(Cr  SAMUEL  CURRY  of  this  city,  [late  of  Her 
British  Majesty's  Colony,  Nova  Scotia,]  witness  and 
informer.  „^ 

6th.  Welcome  B.  Sayles,  Esq.,  of  Cumberland, 
almost  arrested  by  (t?"  AMOS  COOK,  of  Cumber- 
land, «£B  on  complaint  of  QT*  HENRY  L.  KEN- 
DALL, High  Street,  Providence,  «=/3)  warrant  issued 
by  05-  HENRY  L.  BOWEN,  of  this  city  afore- 
said. «£0 

7th.  Hezekiah  Willard,  of  Providence,  arrested 
for  Treason,  by  fl^^  DANIEL  K.  CHAFFEE,  No. 
41  High  Street,  Providence,  .XO  on  complaint  of 
HENRY  G.  MUMFORD,  Bowen  Street,.^  war- 
rant issued  by  Qj^  HENRY  L.  BOWEN,  George 
Street.  ,,JJj     Mr.  Willard  was  committed  to  prison." 

It  is  the  dictate  of  charity  to  place  on  the  actions 
of  men,  the  best  constructions  that  circumstances  will 
warrant.  In  ordinary  times,  or  in  times  of  political 
excitement,  originating  in  a  war  of  words  soc  ommon 
in  our  electioneering  campaigns,  a  notice  like  the 
foregoing,  would  assume  but  very  little  importance. 
But  the  circumstances  under  which  that  was  penned 
and  published,  whatever  may  have  been  the  object, 
stamp  it  with  the  character  of  baseness  and  cruelty, 
worthy  of  Robespiere,  himself.  It  was  addressed  to 
7 


78  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

the  passions  of  a  party  already  highly  inflamed,  and, 
in  a  considerable  degree  rancorous: — A  party  which 
held  in  its  fraternal  embrace,  a  large  number  of  igno- 
rant men,  and  desperate.  Affairs  had  reached  that 
juncture,  when  an  appeal  to  arms  was  deemed  almost 
inevitable,  and  when  both  parties  had  commenced 
their  preparations  for  the  dreadful  event,  with  the 
frightful  horrors  of  a  civil  war  in  prospect.  Such  a 
notice,  under  such  circumstances,  could  only  be  con- 
sidered as  designed  to  mark  certain  men  as  victims  for 
the  knife  of  the  assassin,  and  their  dwellings  as  the 
prey  of  the  midnight  torch.  The  thought  is  appalling, 
and  we  would  fain  shut  it  out  forever;  but  as  we  can 
find  no  apology  for  the  notice  itself,  so  neither  can  we 
cast  off  the  conviction,  that,  in  a  certain  event,  it  was 
to  be  copied  by  an  infuriated  populace  in  fire  and 
blood!  Happily,  it  fell  harmless  to  the  earth  ;  and 
its  intended  victims  remain  unscathed. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  contest  had  now  assumed 
an  aspect  altogether  different  from  what  it  had  at  first 
presented.  Originally,  the  object  was,  an  extension 
of  suffrage ;  and  the  means  to  obtain  it,  the  ballot- 
box  under  the  control  of  public  opinion.  The  point 
had  already  been  surrendered  by  the  freeholders  them- 
selves ;  and  the  concessions  they  had  made,  been 
rejected.  The  freeholders  stood  ready,  on  the  resto- 
ration of  peace  and  quiet,  to  make  a  new  effort  for  a 
constitution  to  satisfy  the  people.  But  their  advances 
passed  unheeded.  The  contest  waged  between  the 
two  parties  ^lerefore  did  not  then  embrace  the  subject 
of  an  extension  of  suffrage,  and  never  has  done  since. 


CONCISE    HlSTORy.  79 

The  true  and  only  question  between  the  contending 
parties,  since  the  rejection  of  the  Landholders'  Con^ 
stitution,  in  March  last,  is,  whether  the  People's  Con- 
stitution,  and  the  government  formed  or  to  be  formed 
under  it,  should  or  should  not  be  recognised  as  the 
paramount  law  and  government  of  the  State.  It  be- 
came, in  other  words,  a  question  of  power  ;  and  the 
friends  of  the  People's  Constitution,  having  erected 
their  form  of  government,  and  finding  themselves 
unable  to  establish  it  by  common  consent,  determined 
to  do  so  by  means  purely  revolutionary  ;  or  in  other 
words,  vi  et  armis.  The  friends  of  the  existing  gov- 
ernment have  ever  been  ready,  since  the  rejection  of 
the  proposed  constitution  in  March  last,  to  propose 
and  adopt  another,  with  a  liberal  extension  of  suf- 
frage ;  but  the  other  party  would  accept  of  no  alter- 
native but  the  recognition  of  their  own,  and  to  which, 
the  friends  of  the  goyernrnent  would  not  accede. 
This  is  the  true  state  of  the  case. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

On  the  llth  of  May,  .according  to  the  previous 
adjournment,  the  General  Assembly  again  met  at 
Newport.  At  the  opening  of  the  session,  one  of  the 
commissioners  who  had  been  despatched  to  Washing- 
ton on  the  5th,  presented  a  letter  from  the  President 
of  the  United  States,   bearing   date,    "  Washington, 


80  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

May  7,  1842. "  [See  Appendix.]  This  letter,  like 
the  former,  though  it  held  out  the  prospect  of  aid  in 
the  distance,  appeared  to  have  been  dictated  by  the 
same  cold,  calculating  policy  as  the  former ;  and 
though  the  President  seemed  still  to  consider  the 
injunctions  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws  impera- 
tive, to  furnish  such  aid,  he  seemed  also  to  say  to  the 
General  Assembly,  that  no  requisition  would  be  deem- 
ed sufficient,  unless  steeped  in  the  blood  of  their 
fellow  citizens.  The  alternative  was  a  dreadful  one, 
and  yet  there  was  nothing  left  but  submission  to  the 
decree.  How  far  a  regard  to  future  events  connect- 
ed with  his  own  prospects  and  wishes,  may  have 
influenced  the  President  in  his  decision,  we  are  not 
prepared  to  say;  but  certain  it  is,  the  subject  had 
become  one  of  party  discussion  in  the  political  press, 
and  had  been  introduced  into  Congress,  and  bandied 
there  on  party  ground.  And  it  is  equally  certain  that 
the  President,  in  his  letters,  placed  himself  much  in  a 
like  quandary  with  a  celebrated  personage,  who  is 
fabled  as  having  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
please  every  body,  while  on  the  way  to  market  with 
a  braying,  long-eared  quadruped. 

At  this  session  of  the  Assembly,  no  farther  meas- 
ures of  a  defensive  character  were  adopted.  Mean- 
time, Mr.  Dorr  had  left  the  State,  and  made  his 
appearance  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Thence,  he 
proceeded  to  Washington,  where  he  met  several  of 
his  friends  who  had  preceded  him.  While  there, 
they  had  interviews  with  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  a  number  of  the  members  of  Congress: 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  81 

and  soon  returned  to  New  York.  During  this  lime, 
active  preparations  were  in  progress  in  tiie  city  of 
Providence,  and  in  some  other  towns,  on  both  sides, 
of  a  military  character.  The  government  party  had 
placed  a  strong  guard  in  the  Arsenal,  in  Providence, 
which  contained  five  pieces  of  artillery,  about  twenty- 
three  hundred  muskets,  and  a  quantity  of  ammunition. 
The  chartered  military  companies,  except  the  United 
Volunteers,and  United  Train  of  Artillery,  in  Providence 
were  filled  up  and  put  under  drill  on  the  part  of  the 
government,  as  were  also  the  chartered  companies  and 
volunteer  companies  in  Newport,  Bristol,  and  Warren. 
The  citizens  of  Providence,  friendly  to  the  govern- 
ment, were  requested  to  arm  themselves,  and  prepare 
to  defend  the  city  ;  and  arms  were  tendered  to  them 
for  that  purpose.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Dorr's 
military  forces,  in  the  city,  and  out  of  it,  were  putting 
themselves  in  a  state  of  preparation  for  the  approach- 
ing crisis,  and  arming  themselves,  at  least  a  portion  of 
them,  as  far  as  circumstances  would  permit ;  while 
certain  party  presses  urged  and  cheered  them  on,  and 
held  out  to  them  the  promise  of  all  necessary  aid,  in 
case  the  United  States  government  should  interfere. 
They  never  appear  to  have  dreamed  of  meeting  with 
any  serious  resistance  from  the  State  government  and 
its  friends.  In  fact,  they  seemed  rather  to  ridicule 
the  notion  that  the  aristocrats,  as  they  called  the 
government  party,  would  fight,  and  looked  on  thera 
with  a  sneer,  as  men  already  conquered.  The  friends 
of  the  government  entertained  much  the  same  feel- 
ing towards  the  Dorr  party,  as  it  was  now  familiarly 
1* 


82  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

called  ;  and  many  were  rather  inclined  to  ridicule  the 
preparation  for  hostile  operations. 

On  Thursday,  May  12,  Burrington  Anthony,  for- 
mer U.  S.  Marshal  for  the  Rhode  Island  District, 
who  had  been  with  Mr.  Dorr,  to  Washington,  return- 
ed in  advance  of  him,  leaving  him  in  New  York. 
The  rumor  preceded  his  arrival,  that  the  President  of 
the  United  States  had  appointed  Mr.  Webster,  Secre- . 
tary  of  State,  and  one  or  two  other  gentlemen,  as 
commissioners  to  mediate  between  the  contending 
parties,  and  to  bring  affairs  to  an  amicable  adjustment. 
Anthony  professed  to  be  the  bearer  of  despatches  to 
that  purport  to  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  in  the 
government  party,  a  mernber  of  the  Legislature  of 
the  State.  It  turned  out,  however,  that  the  President 
had  made  no  such  appointment,  and  that  the  de- 
spatches consisted  of  a  single  letter  from  Mr.  Webster 
to  the  gentleman  named  above,  containing  certain 
overtures,  which,  on  being  presented  to  the  Governor 
and  Couricil,  were  promptly  rejected.  They  had 
become  satisfied  that  the  government  of  the  State, 
and  its  friends,  must  fight  their  own  batile,  and  did 
not  feel  disposed  to  submit  to  any  dictation  as  to  what 
they  should  demand  or  concede.     [See  Appendix.] 

On  Thursday  evening,  May  12th,  a  meeting  was 
held,  and  numerously  attended,  by  the  adherents  of 
Mr.  Dorr,  on  the  State  House  Parade  in  Providence. 
Speeches  were  made  by  several  persons,  on  the  occa- 
sion, breathing  defiance  to  the  charter  government ; 
and  resolutions  were  passed,  stating  that  no  compro- 
mise would  be  accepted  but  what  recognised  the  sov- 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  83 

ereignty  of  tiie  whole  people  ;  nor  that  without  the 
repeal  of  the  Algerine  Law.  The  meeting  also  re- 
solved that  the  government  and  its  adherents  sought 
for  blood,  that  no  more  arrests  should  be  permitted 
under  the  odious  law,  and  that  Gov.  Dorr  should  be 
protected.  And  to  these  points,  the  persons  com- 
posing the  meeting,  generally,  pledged  themselves 
personally,  by  the  response  of  yes  or  no. 

Mr.  Dorr  still  remained  at  New  York,  where  meet- 
ings had  been  held  by  his  political  party  friends,  to 
encourage  and  aid  him  ;  and  it  was  generally  under- 
stood that  money,  men,  and  arms,  would  be  furnished 
by  them  for  his  use,  but  which,  when  the  crisis  came, 
did  not  appear  to  be  forthcoming.  On  Saturday,  May 
14th,  he  left  that  city  for  Stonington,  on  his  way  to 
Providence,  having  been  escorted  to  the  boat  in  which 
he  was  to  take  passage,  by  several  hundred  persons, 
but  without  military  honors.  He  arrived  at  Stoning- 
ton on  the  next  [Sunday]  morning  ;  and  the  same 
day,  a  party  of  his  friends,  embracing  several  members 
of  his  Assembly,  and  about  thirty  men  under  arms, 
went  down  to  meet  him.  On  Monday,  May  16th, 
he  arrived  at  Providence,  in  company  with  those  who 
had  previously  gone  out  to  meet  him  ;  and  was  re- 
ceived at  the  Rail  Road  Depot  by  a  large  concourse 
of  people,  consisting  of  about  twelve  hundred  in  all, 
of  whom,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  were  under 
arms.  In  an  undress  uniform,  and  a  sword  at  his  side, 
the  hero  of  the  day  was  escorted,  or  rather  guarded, 
through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city,  in  an  open 
barouche  drawn  by  four  white  horses.     He  was  ac- 


I 


84  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

companied  by  his  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  Sheriff 
of  Providence  elect  under  the  People's  Constitution  ; 
and,  in  that  style,  was  conducted  to  the  house  of  Bur- 
rington  Anthony,  where  he  took  up  his  quarters, 
protected  by  a  military  guard,  and  two  sniall  pieces  of 
artillery.  All  parties  were  doubtless  disappointed  in 
this  array  of  force.  Unwearied  pains  had  been  taken, 
for  some  time  previous,  to  organize  and  drill  it,  and  to 
have  it  in  readiness  to  act  at  a  moment's  warning. 
The  occasion  on  which  it  was  now  to  be  used,  was 
one  of  the  utmost  importance,  and  yet,  after  all,  it 
was  found  impossible  to  concentrate  in  the  city,  the 
number  of  three  hundred  .men  who  were  ready  to 
take  up  arms  for  the  People's  Constitution  ;  and  of 
the  number  actually  embodied,  few  more  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  resided  in  the  city. 

To  any  man  at  all  acquainted  with  military  opera- 
tions, and  possessed  of  a  less  sanguine  temperament 
than  the  commander-in-chief  of  this  motley  band,  the 
circumstance  would  at  once  have  afforded  convincing 
evidence,  that  his  object  was  impracticable.  But,  if 
there  be  one  trait  more  prominent  than  all  others  in 
the  character  of  Thomas  Wilson  Dorr,  it  is  that  of 
obstinacy,  vwhich  takes  no  note  of  circumstances,  and 
heeds  neither  advice  nor  remonstrance,  when  arrayed 
against  his  predeterminations.  On  this  principle  he 
acted  ;  and  while  many  of  his  friends  and  associates 
endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  his  rash  enterprise, 
and  others  were  forsaking  him  on  every  hand,  he  de- 
termined to  strike  the  blow,  and  to  open  the  frightful 
drama  of  civil  war.     Accordingly,  on  the  day  he  en- 


CONCISE*  HISTORY.  85 

tered  Providence,  he   issued    his   Proclamation  [See 
Appendix]  and  commenced  the  work  of  preparation. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

While  the  preparations  of  Mr.  Dorr  were  in  progress, 
the  major  part  of  the  community  friendly  to  the  exist- 
ing government,  and  which  now  embraced  a  large 
number  of  persons  who  had  advocated  the  peaceable 
measures  of  the  Suffrage  Party,  were  rather  disposed 
to  treat  the  affair  with  ridicule;  and  doubted  if  any 
serious  movement  were  intended.  Others,  who  better 
knew  the  disposition  of  the  man  with  whom  they  had 
to  deal,  looked  on  the  affair  in  a  different  light ;  and 
all  were  of  opinion  that  they  should  prepare  for  defence. 
By  Tuesday  morning,  the  Insurgents,  as  the  govern- 
ment party  now  termed  their  opponents,  had  mounted 
two  more  pieces  of  cannon.  They  then  had  four 
pieces,  though  all  them  were  of  iron,  and  nearly  use- 
less for  any  other  purpose  than  for  the  defence  of  Mr. 
Dorr's  quarters,  in  front  of  which  they  were  planted. 
The  first  point  of  attack  was  hinted  to  be  the  Arsenal ; 
with  the  obvious  intent  of  getting  possession  of  the 
munitions  of  war  contained  in  it,  in  order  to  deprive 
the  government  of  their  use,  and  to  distribute  them 
among  those  who  might  be  found  ready  to  use  them 
for  the  opposing  party.  On  the  morning  of  Tuesday, 
May  17th,  Gov.  King  called  his  council  and  fellow 
citizens  around  him  for  consultation   and  advice.     In 


86  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

the  conclusion,  it  was  deternnined  that  the  measure  of 
arming  the  friends  of  the  government  should  be  carried 
out,  and  that  an  order  should  be  despatched,  on  the 
first  indication  of  hostile  movements,  to  call  in  troops 
from  other  parts  of  the  State.  Before  the  meeting 
had  terminated,  it  had  been  given  out  by  some  one  in 
the  secret,  that  Mr.  Dorr  had  determined  to  make  the 
attack  on  the  Arsenal,  at  two  o'clock  the  following 
morning,  Wednesday,  May  18ih.  The  report  was 
not  generally  credited,  it  being  known  that  the  force 
then  at  Dorr's  command,  badly  equipped,  and  men 
generally  on  whom  no  reliance  could  be  placed,  must 
prove  entirely  incompetent  to  the  undertaking.  The 
Arsenal,  too,  a  strong  stone  building,  in  the  western 
suburbs  of  the  city,  was  well  guarded,  and  fully  sup- 
plied with  all  that  was  needed  for  the  occasion.  Be- 
sides, it  was  situated  on  an  open  level  plain,  without 
defence  or  shelter  for  an  invading  force;  and  while 
it  was  well  known  that  the  government  could  raise  a 
military  force  in  the  city  of  Providence  alone,  of  at 
least  treble  the  number  of  that  under  Dorr's  command, 
it  seemed  almost  impossible  to  believ^e  he  could  have 
the  folly  and  madness  to  make  the  desperate  attempt. 
But  he  was  not  the  man  to  calculate  on  impossibilities. 
Try  —  was  his  molto  ;  and  he  never  considered  any 
thing  impossible,  till  all  means  of  execution  had  been 
applied,  and  had  failed.  There  had  been  no  time 
since  his  arrival,  that  his  entire  force  could  not  have 
been  routed  and  overwhelmed  in  twenty  minutes,  by 
the  force  the  government  could  command  in  the  city. 
But  each  party  determined  not  to  shed  the  first  blood; 


COyCISE    HISTORT.  87 

if  possible,  to  avoid  the  necessity.  Thus  matters 
remained  up  to  Tuesday  afternoon,  at  one  o'clock, 
when  the  signal  gun  was  fired  at  Dorr's  quarters.  A 
large  crowd  assembled  ;  and  the  men  under  arms, 
were  ordered  to  be  ready  for  action,  and  on  the 
ground,  in  thirty  minutes. 

By  this  time,  the  excitement  in  the  city  had  become 
intense  ;  and  it  was  by  no  means  allayed  by  a  report 
that  the  forces  of  Dorr,  or  a  portion  of  them,  were  to 
make  the  attempt,  in  the  course  of  the  afternoon,  to 
seize  two  brass  field  pieces,  six  pounders,  deposited 
in  the  Armory  of  the  United  Train  of  Artillery,  to 
which  company  they  were  attached.  The  Armory  is 
situated  in  the  rear  of  College  Street,  in  the  very  heart 
of  the  chy,  and  is  separated  from  the  Cadet  Armory, 
only  by  a  narrow  passage.  It  was  hardly  supposed 
such  a  daring  project  would  be  attempted  ;  but  by 
half  past  four  all  doubt  was  dispelled  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  company  of  Insurgent  Volunteers  marching 
boldly  up  College  Street,  and  wheeling  into  the  lane 
in  rear  of  the  Armory.  The  company  mustered  near- 
ly seventy  strong;  and  after  they  had  wheeled  on  to 
the  ground,  they  very  deliberately  loaded  their  musk- 
ets, and  took  possession  of  the  cannon,  and  marched 
them  through  the  streets,  to  Dorr's  quarters.  There 
was  a  guard  of  only  six  men  at  the  Armory,  and  they 
were  armed  with  swords  only,  and  could  offer  no  re- 
sistance. A  large  number  of  the  Cadets  and  Marine 
Artillery  were  present  and  would  have  opposed  force 
to  force ;  but  the  Governor  had  retired  to  liis  residence 
some  iwo  n»iles  distant,  and  there  was  no  one  present 


88  CONCISE    HISTORF. 

to  give  orders  to  act.  This  transaction  at  once  awak- 
ened the  adherents  of  the  government  to  the  reality, 
and  showed  them  that  they  must  either  conquer  in 
arms,  or  submit  to  such  terms  as  might  be  dictated  to 
them.  They  determined  on  the  former  course  ;  and 
the  business  of  arming  was  prosecuted  with  vigor. 

Immediately  after  the  above  transaction,  an  express 
was  sent  to  the  Governor,  to  give  him  the  information.- 
He  instantly  returned  to  town,  and  issued  orders  which 
were  sent  off  by  express,  to  Warren,  BristoT,  and 
Newport,  and  to  the  south  part  of  the  State,  for  the 
military  to  muster,  and  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness 
to  proceed  to  Providence  at  a  moment's  warning.  In 
the  city,  all  was  bustle  and  commotion.  From  the 
hoary  headed  sire,  of  seventy  winters,  to  the  stripling 
just  advanced  to  the  verge  of  manhood,  all  ages,  and 
all  conditions,  looked  defiance,  uttered  the  war-cry, 
and  clad  themselves  for  the  battle  field.  The  First 
Light  Infantry,  the  National  Cadets,  and  the  Marine 
Artillery,  three  spirited  and  well  drilled  corps,  parad- 
ed with  full  ranks,  and  with  as  much  alacrity  as  for 
an  ordinary  drill.  The  Cadets  and  Marine  Artillery 
marched  out  at  10  o'clock  P.  M.  and  took  post  in  the 
Arsenal ;  where  were  also  posted  the  regular  guard  of 
about  thirty  men,  and  a  number  of  volunteers;  the  Light 
Infantry  having  been  held  in  reserve.  At  the  same 
time,  a  steamboat  was  despatched  to  Warren,  Bristol, 
arid  Newport,  to  bring  in  the  troops  form  those  towns. 

During  all  this  time,  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  coadjutors 
were  not  idle ;  for  though  many  of  his  most  influen- 
tial friends  were  with  him  till  near  midnight,  endeavoring 


CONCISB    HISTORY.  89 

to  dissuade  him  from  his  rash  undertaking,  he  still  per- 
sisted, against  all  their  expostulations,  and  determined 
to  proceed.  During  the  evening,  about  one  hundred 
men  under  arms,  joined  him  from  Pawtucket  and 
Woonsocket;  the  body  from  the  latter  place  being  a 
chartered  company,  and  mustering  between  sixty  and 
seventy  men;  and  by  midnight,  the  force  had  increas- 
ed so  as  to  number  between  three  and  four  hundred. 
Mr.  Dorr,  it  appeared  afterwards,  had  iinbibed  the 
same  notion  that  had  been  imbibed  hy  many  of  his 
men  —  that  the  party  opposed  to  them  would  not 
fight,  and  that  the  Arsenal  would  be  readily  captured. 
In  that  opinion  they  were  probably  confirmed  by  the 
forbearance  that  had  been  exercised  towards  them, 
and  the  ease  and  facility  with  which  they  had  been 
permitted  to  sieze  and  take  away  the  field  pieces 
already  named.  The  capture  of  the  Arsenal  was  the 
first  measure  in  his  plan  of  operations;  to  obtain  its 
stores  of  arms  and  ammunition,  was  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  enable  him  to  carry  that  plan  out.  He  had 
staked  his  all  upon  it,  and  was  bent  on  making  the 
effort. 

On  that  awful  night,  but  few  of  the  citizens  of  Prov- 
idence retired  to  rest ;  or,  if  they  did,  retired  not  for 
slumber,  but,  with  watchful  eyes  and  aching  hearts,  to 
await  in  the  most  painful  suspense,  the  dread  spectacle 
of  our  fair  city  wrapt  in  flames,  and  her  streets  delug- 
ed with  blood.  But  happily  it  proved  only  a  haggard 
vision  —  The  terrible  catastrophe  came  not. 

At  one  o'clock  in  the  n»orning,  Wednesday,  May 
18th,  the  signal  guns  were  fired  at  the  camp,  in 
8 


do  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

front   of  Dorr's  quarters,  a  procedure  that  afforded 
one  more  striking  illustration  of  his  utter  ignorance  of- 
military  affairs ;  as  in   giving  this  signal  for  the  rally 
of  his  friends,  he  also  gave  warning  to  his  foes  to  pre- 
pare for  defence.     By  this  time,  his  forces  had  begun 
to  disperse ;  and   many  returned   to  their  homes  ;  so 
that,  when  the  order  was   given  to  march,  his   entire 
host  of  armed  men  amounted  to  less  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty  ;  and  with  this  ill  appointed  force,  he  had  the 
folly  and  temerity  to  march,  with   two   six  pounders, 
into  the  open  field,  without  an   embankment,  or  a  de- 
fence of  any  description,  against  a  superior  force  pro- 
tected by  strong  stone  walls,  with  five  pieces  of  artille- 
ry,  and  small   arms  and   ammunition   in  abundance  ; 
and  knowing,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  was  liable  to 
be  attacked   in   the   rear  by  the  Light  Infantry,  and 
the  citizen   volunteers,  and    po«;sibly  if  not  probably, 
by  at  least  three  companies  of  Artillery,  and  two  or 
three  companies   of  Infantry,  for  which   a   steamboat 
had  been  despatched   in  the   evening.     Immediately 
after  the  signal  guns  had   been   fired,  the   Insurgents 
moved  from  their  encampment,  with  Mr.  Dorr  at  their 
head  ;  and  at  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  took 
up  their   position   before  the    Arsenal,  at   little  more 
than  musket  shot  distance  from  it.     At  the  same  time 
a  detachment  of  forty  men  was  sent  out  from  the  main 
body,  to  intercept  the  march   of  the  Light  Infantry  ; 
and  scouts   from  both   parties  were  perambulating  the 
plain  in  all  directions ;  and  some  of  those  from  the 
Arsenal,  favored  by  a  dense  fog,  and  the  absence  of 
the  moon  which  had   not  yet   risen,  penetrated  even 
into  the  Insurgent  lines. 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  91 

When  Mr.  Dorr  took  up  the  line  of  march,  notice 
was  given  by  the  patrol ;  and  the  alarm  bells  were 
rung.  Never  perhaps  had  the  citizens  of  Providence 
witnessed  a  moment  so  full  of  horror  ! — Never  had  a 
sound  struck  on  their  ears,  that  carried  such  agony  to 
the  soul !  The  best  men  of  the  city  were  drawn  up 
in  battle  array,  and  the  flower  of  our  youth  were 
there.  The  first  stroke  of  the  bell  came  as  the  knell 
of  death.  The  heart  of  the  devoted  wife,  and  the 
fond  mother,  sickened- with  anguish,  as  she  thought  on 
all  that  was  dear  to  her  on  earth,  and  listened  with 
agonizing  suspense  for  the  cannon's  dreadful  roar,  that 
might  tell  the  tale  of  death,  and  leave  her  a  childless 
widow !  Then  too,  lovers,  sisters,  and  friends,  shed 
tears  of  bitter  anguish,  and  amidst  the  awful  gloom, 
breathed  a  silent  prayer  to  heaven,  for  those  they 
loved.  While  visions  of  a  city  in  flames,  sacked  and 
plundered^  and  its  inhabitants  devoted  to  the  knife  of 
the  midnight  assassin,  rose  up  in  the  imagination,  and 
struck  the  soul  with  horror !  But  heaven,  in  mercy, 
had  otherwise  ordained. 

The  men  who  followed  Mr.  Dorr  to  the  field,  it 
appeared  had  not  gone  there  to  fight,  but  to  witness 
the  fulfillment  of  his  prediction,  that  the  Arsenal  would 
be  surrendered  without  firing  a  gun.  He  had  deceiv- 
ed himself  and  them.  He  sent  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
demanded  its  surrender,  which  was  refused  in  a  nian?- 
ner  that  implied  contempt.  He  ordered  the  discharge 
of  his  cannon,  and  no  one  was  found  sufficiently  hardy 
to  apply  the  match.  He  applied  it  himself,  and  no 
effect  was  produced  beyond  the  burning  of  the  pow- 


92  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

der  in  the  pans.  His  men,  meantime,  went  off  in 
squadS;  till  he  was  nearly  forsaken.  At  length  he 
retreated,  with  his  cannon  and  about  thirty  men,  the 
remnant  of  his  force  ;  and  when  daylight  appeared, 
in  two  boors  after  he  had  taken  the  field,  not  a  man 
was  to  be  found  upon  it,  though  not  a  single  shot  had 
been  fired.  When  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Dorr  and 
his  party  had  retired,  and  that  he,  with  the  remnant 
of  his  force,  had  returned  to  their  quarters,  the  forces 
which  had  rallied  on  the  part  of  the  government 
inarched  into  the  city.  The  Mayor  of  Providence 
issued  a  request  to  the  citizens,  to  lay  aside  their 
ordinary  concerns,  and  to  appear  in  arms  on  the  side 
of  the  laws.  Those  who  were  favorably  disposed,  in 
general,  complied  with  the  request.  Nearly  every 
place  of  business  in  the  city  was  closed,  and  a  large 
body  of  citizen  volunteers,  in  addition  to  the  organised 
military  force,  appea.ed  in  arms.  At  nearly  eight 
o'clock  in  the  n)oning,  the  steamboat  arrived  with  a 
force  collected  during  the  night.  It  consisted  of  one 
company  of  Artillery,  from  Bristol,  one  from  Newport 
and  one  from  Warren.  Soon  after  their  arrival,  the 
line  was  formed,  and,  in  a  short  time,  the  column  took 
up  the  line  of  march  for  Federal  Hill,  where  the  few 
remaining  Insurgents  lay  encamped.  The  following 
is  the  order,  as  published  at  the  time,  in  the  Provi- 
dence Journal. 

"  Early  in  the  morning,  the  Mayor  issued  a  notice 
calling  upon  the  citijitns  to  lay  aside  their  usual  busi- 
ness and  assemble  at  the  Cadet  Armory  to  receive 
arms  and  prepare  to  assist  in  the  execution  of  the 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  93 

laws.  The  request  was  very  generally  complied 
with.  The  course  of  Dorr  in  attacking  the  Arsenal 
rendered  any  further  postponement  of  his  arrest  quite 
out  of  the  question.  The  military  companies,  with 
the  citizen  volunteers,  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  his 
Head  Quarters,  at  Burrington  Anthony's  house.  The 
command  of  the  whole  was  assigned  to  Col.  William 
Blodget.  —  They  proceeded  in  the  following  order: 
Newport  Artillery,  Col.  Swan  ;  Providence  Light 
Infantry,  Capt.  Brown  ;  National  Cadets,  Capt.  Mar- 
tin ;  Citizen  Volunteers,  Capt.  Meriweather ;  Marine 
Artillery,  Lt.  Col.  Nightingale ;  Warren  Artillery, 
Capt.  Fessenden ;  Bristol  Artillery,  Lt.  Col.  Taylor. 
The  companies  were  all  reinforced  by  volunteers,  and 
the  whole  force  numbered  about  seven  hundred  mus- 
kets, with  six  field  pieces,  two  French  eights  and  four 
four-pounders.  —  While  the  troops  were  proceeding 
to  the  ground  a  report  was  received  that  Dorr  had 
made  his  escape.  A  detachment  of  the  Cadets  vol- 
unteered to  go  in  pursuit  of  him.  They  instantly 
mounted,  but  were  misinformed  as  to  his  route,  and 
returned  after  having  gone  about  twenty  miles  in  the 
direction  of  the  Norwich  and  Worcester  Railroad. 
Mr.  Dorr  made  his  escape  soon  after  nine  o'clock. — 
He  returned  from  the  attack  on  the  Arsenal,  very 
much  discouraged  and  broken  down  ;  he  saw  that  he 
had  arrayed  the  whole  State  against  him,  and  that 
his  own  followers  would  not  stand  by  him  to  carry 
out  the  whole  of  his  treasonable  designs,  —  He  found, 
also,  that  many  of  the  members  of  his  Legislature  had 
determined  to  resign.  Some  of  his  near  relatives 
8* 


94  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

had  called  upon  him,  the  evening  previous,  and  urged 
him  to  desist,  but  ihey  failed  to  make  any  impression 
upon  him,  although  seconded  by  his  own  chief  coun- 
sellors. On  Wednesday  morning  one  of  his  relatives 
provided  him  with  the  means  of  escape,  and  he  very 
readily  accepted  them. " 

It  would  be  of  little  interest  to  the  reader,  to  enter 
more  fully  into  the  details  of  this  bloodless  affray. 
Suffice  it  to  say  —  the  gallant  bands  composing  the 
column,  marched  up  in  veteran  style,  and  without 
flinching,  in  front  of  the  loaded  cannon  in  the  Insur- 
gent camp  ;  and  calmly  and  coolly  performed  their 
evolutions,  at  the  word  of  command,  while  the  enemy 
stood  at  their  guns  with  lighted  matches,  ready  to  deal 
out  the  messengers  of  death.  Gov.  King,  with  a 
small  forc^,  proceeded  to  search  Anthony's  house,  for 
Dorr;  but  the  bird  had  flown,  as  already  noticed,  and 
the  search  proved  bootless.  Horsemen  were  immedi-* 
ately  despatched  in  chase  of  the  fugitive,  but  he 
eluded  pursuit,  and-escaped  beyond  the  borders  of  the 
State.  A  very  few  reckless  desperadoes  took  a  stand 
on  the  hill,  and  bade  defiance  to  the  assembled  force. 
The  Commander-in-Chief,  willing  to  spare  an  effusion 
of  blood,  and  knowing  that  they  could  not  hold  out 
long,  forebore  to  fire  on  them.  On  assurance  being, 
given,  that  if  left  to  themselves  they  would  surrender 
the  cannon  they  had  seized,  and  disperse,  the  troops 
were  ordered  from  the  hill.  On  the  next  day,  Thurs^ 
day,  May  19th,  the  cannon  were  returned,  and,  one 
by  one,  the  stragglers  disappeared. 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  95 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

It  is  due  to  a  portion  of  the  Suffrage  Party  who 
had  held  out  to  this  time,  to  state  that  they  ostensibly 
discountenanced  the  violent  proceedings  of  Mr.  Dorr; 
protested  against  them,  refused  to  take  up  arras  them- 
selves, and  endeavored  to  dissuade  him  and  others 
from  doing  so.  They  appear  to  have  joined  in  the 
suffrage  cause,  with  the  sole  view  of  carrying  their 
points  by  peaceable  means,  and  to  have  been  hurried 
into  the  vortex  of  revolution,  before  they  were  aware, 
and  without  their  consent.  A  great  many  others,  it 
must  be  confessed,  sly,  cunning  men,  went,  secretly 
and  silently,  as  far  as  they  dared  to  go,  leaving  at  the 
same  time  a  way  open  for  retreat.  Had  Dorr's 
incipient  measures  of  force  succeeded,  and  final  suc- 
cess appeared  to  be  more  probable  than  defeat,  they 
wouki  have  been  in  his  ranks  ;  and,  in  the  close, 
would  have  uttered  loud  claims  to  the  spoils  of  victo- 
ry. They  took,  as  mercenary  cowards  generally  do, 
what  they  supposed  to  be  the  safe  course,  and  left 
others  to  suffer,  less  guilty  than  themselves. 

It  would  be  a  vain  effort,  to  attempt  to  trace  Mr. 
Dorr  through  all  his  perigrinalions  after  his  second 
flight  from  Rhode  Island,  to  the  period  of  his  return. 
The  fact  of  his  having  slipped  through  the  fingers  of 
the  State  Authorities  a  second  time,  created  a  great 
deal  of  feeling,  though  his  absence  from  the  State 
served  in  a  measure  to  allay  the  excitement.  A  very 
large  majority  of  the  people  supposed  that,  after  a 


96  CONCISE    HISTORY 

defeat  so  signal,  he  could  never  rally  again,  and  that, 
in  consequence  of  his  supposed  disgraceful  flight,  the 
multitude  of  his  followers  would  desert  him  in  dis- 
gust. In  this  respect  however,  as  the  sequel  will 
show,  the  friends  of  the  government  were  doomed  to 
find  they  had  deceived  themselves,  as  they  had  done 
in  almost  every  case  during  the  entire  movements  of 
the  Suffrage  Party,  and  the  Dorr  party  of  later 
birth. 

Some  of  the  cowardly  leaders  of  the  party,  who 
could  neither  control  nor  withstand  the  tempest  they 
had  raised,  urged  Dorr's  flight,  and  then  apologised  to 
their  people,  by  informing  them  that  a  compromise 
had  been  made  with  the  government ;  and  hinting 
that,  by  virtue  of  that  compromise,  the  People's  Con- 
stitution would  be  legally  established,  and  Thomas 
Wilson  Dorr  recognised  as  Governor  of  the  State  ! 
The  whole  of  this  declaration  was  a  complete  tissue 
of  falsehood,  which  served  the  purpose  for  the  mo- 
ment. In  a  few  days,  the  deception  was  unveiled, 
and  those  who  had  practised  it  were  denounced  by 
their  party  as  traitors.  Mr,  Dorr  was  again  taken 
into  favor  as  a  patriot,  a  hero,  and  a  persecuted  man. 
The  community  had  now  lost  pretty  much  all  sense 
of  danger,  and  the  only  object  appeared  to  be,  to  arrest 
Dorr,  that  he  might  suffer  the  penalty  of  treason.  He 
however  managed  to  evade  the  demands  of  the  law, 
by  eluding  the  pursuit  of  its  ministers,  or  guarding 
himself  against  surprise.  His  flight  occurred  as  has 
been  seen,  on  Wednesday  morning.  May  18.  Before 
the  same  hour  the  next  morning,  rumor  had  become 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  •  97 

extremely  busy  in  tracing  iiim  out,  and  almost  every 
one  knew  where  he  was,  though  scarcely  any  two 
agreed  as  to  his  place  of  refuge.  He  undoubtedly 
hovered,  however,  on  the  western  and  north-western 
borders  of  tlie  State,  for  several  days,  and  then  put 
himself  under  the  protection  of  Gov.  Cleveland,  of 
Connecticut. 

•Soon  after  the  flight  of  Mr.  Dorr,  it  was  given  out 
by  some  of  his  family  connections,  that  he  had  relin- 
quished the  object  for  which  he  had  contended,  and 
was  to  depart  immediately  for  Europe,  and  would  not 
probably  return.  Many  believed,  and  some  who 
knew  the  spirit  of  the  man,  doubted;  but  all  joined 
in  wishing  him  a  speedy  departure,  a  quick  passage, 
and  a  long  visit,  except  those  who  favored  his  hostile 
projects.  That  he  had  ever  intended  to  leave  the 
country,  is  highly  improbable.  If  he  had  intended 
to  do  so,  he  soon  relinquished  the  intention,  and,  in 
connexion  with  other  spirits  at  home  and  abroad,  again 
conjmenced  operations  to  carry  out  the  contemplated 
Kevolution. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

From  the  2nd  of  May,  all  was  doubt  and  uncer 
tainty  among  the  people  of  the  State.     The  fugitive 
Governor  was  sometimes  caught  sight  of  in  Connecti- 
cut, and   at  other  times   in   the  city  of  New   York. 
He  was  apparently  almost  continually  on  the  move, 


98  "  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

and  yet  always  in  seclusion.  Public  meetings  were 
held  by  his  friends  in  the  principal  Atlantic  cities,  at 
which,  great  sympathy  was  expressed  for  him  and  his 
cause,  and  bitter  denunciations  poured  out  on  the 
heads  of  the  landholders  of  Rhode  Island ;  whose 
damning  sin  was,  that  they  did  not  grant  an  extension 
of  suflrage,  which  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  associates  had 
positively  declared  they  would  not  accept,  and  which 
they  had  done  all  they  could,  to  prevent.  Several 
papers  in  Boston,  Providence,  New  York,  Philadel- 
phia, and  elsewhere,  became  the  warm  advocates  of 
the  fugitive  and  his  party,  and  attempts  were  made  to 
raise  arms,  men,  and  money,  to  aid  them.  Still,  all 
continued  to  be  vague  and  indefinite.  Conjecture  and 
rumor  were  extremely  active,  but  those  whose  inter- 
est it  was  to  know,  seemed  unable  to  obtain  any  clew 
to  the  secret  movements.  Business  had  been  long  at 
a  stand,  and  a  settled  gloom  rested  on  the  community. 
People  generally  had  sickened  of  the  state  of  affairs  ; 
any  attempt  to  communicate  information  calculated  to 
create  either  alarm  or  excitement,  was  regarded  almost 
with  indignation.  But  these  feelings  were  insufficient 
to  stay  the  progress  of  events,  and  those  who  most 
dreaded  to  look  on  the  shadow,  were  soon  to  be  arous- 
ed to  a  frightful  sense  of  the  reality. 

It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Dorr  proceeded  to  New 
York,  about  the  25th  of  May,  in  company  with  a 
man  from  that  city,  who  appears  to  have  been  deeply 
in  his  confidence  and  interest.  That  he  afterwards 
returned  to  Connecticut,  is  probable,  if  not  certain ; 
and  Gov.  King  made  a  requisition  on  the  Governor 


CONCISE    HiSTORy..  99 

of  that  State,  Chauncy  F.  Cleaveland,  for  his  delivery 
to  the  authorities  of  Rhode  Island,  as  a  fugitive  from 
justice.  The  demand  was  not  complied  with  ;  and, 
June  8,  Gov.  King  issued  the  following  proclamation. 

BY  HIS  EXCELLENCY 
SAMUEL  WARD  KING, 

Governor,  Captain  General,and  Commander-in-Chief 

of  the   State  of  Rhode    Island  and    Providence 

Plantations. 

Whereas,  THOH  AS  WILSON  DORR,  of  Prov- 
idence, in  the  county  of  Providence,  charged  with 
treason  against  the  said  State  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations,  is  a  fugitive  from  justice,  and 
supposed  to  be  now  within  the  limits  of  our  sister 
State  of  Connecticut ;  and  from  credible  information, 
is  still  pursuing  his  nefarious  enterprise  against  the 
peace  and  dignity  of  said  State  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations ;  and  Whereas,  I  made  a  re- 
quisition, on  the  25tli  day  of  May  last,  addressed  to 
his  Excellency  Chauncy  F.  Cleveland,* Governor  of 
said  State  of  Connecticut,  for  the  apprehehsion  and 
delivery  of  the  said  Thomas  Wilson  Dorr,  according 
to  the  constitution  and  law  of  the  United  States  in 
such  case  made  and  provided  ;  which  requisition  his 
Excellency  Chauncy  F.  Cleveland,  Governor  of  said 
State,  has  hitherto  declined  to  comply  with  : 

I  do,  therefore,  pursuant  to  authority  in  me  vested, 
and  by  advice  of  the  Council,  hereby  offer  a  reward 
of  One  Thousand  Dollars  for  the  delivery  of  the  said 
Thomas  Wilson  Dorr  to  the  proper  civil  authority  of 


100  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

this  State,  within  one  year  from  the  date  hereof,  that 
he  may  be  dealt  with  as  to  law  and  justice  shall  apper- 
tain. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  seal  of  said  State  at 
the  city  of  Providence,  this  eighth  day  of  June, 
[l.s.]  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred and  forty-two,  and  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States  of  America  the  sixty-sixth. 
SAMUEL  WARD  KING. 
By  his  Excellency's  command  : 
Henuy  Bowen, 
Secretary  of  State. 

But  this  proclamation,  with  its  temptation  in  the 
form  of  one  thousand  dollars,  proved  not  sufficiently 
potent  to  fix  the  grasp  of  the  sheriff  on  its  object.  In 
the  city  of  New  York,  probably  surrounded  by  his 
"  Spartan  Band,  "  said  to  be  a  body  of  men  of  no 
particular  principles  or  description,  and  with  the  coun- 
tenance and  aid  of  others  of  a  more  elevated  standing 
in  society,  he* defied  the  Proclamation  and  the  sheriff, 
and  remained  secure  from  arrest.  Meantime,  rumors 
were  continually  afloat,  of  large  supplies  of  arms,  men, 
and  money,  to  be  furnished  him  from  Boston,  New 
York,  and  elsewhere.  About  the  same  time,  he  ad- 
dressed the  Legislature  of  Maine,  through  the  medium 
of  Gov.  Fairfield ;  but  all  he  received  in  reply,  was, 
the  cold  comfort  of  a  few  resolutions  by  way  of  sym- 
pathy. 

After  a  breathing  spell  of  a  few  days,  the  party 
ajrain  began  to  move  in   Rhode  Island.     The  Procla- 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  101 

mallon  created  some  excitement  among  them,  and  by 
June  11th,  three  days  aftei'  its  date,  there  appeared 
some  indications  of  a  general  movement  among  the 
Insurgents  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State.  It  may 
be  well  to  remark  in  this  place,  that,  a  very  large 
proportion  of  Mr.  Dorr's  strength,  is,  as  it  has  been 
from  the  commencement,  in  the  city  and  county  of 
Providence.  A  few  it  is  believed  have  joined  him  in 
his  hostile  movements,  from  some  other  towns  and 
counties,  but  their  number  has  been  so  small  as  to  be 
scarcely  deserving  of  notice.  But,  in  the  county  of 
Providence  they  have  been  able  to  muster  in  consid- 
erable force,  and,  in  some  towns,  have  overawed  the 
friends  of  law  and  order,  and,  by  threats,  prevented 
them  from  taking  up  arms.  Mr.  Dorr  had  found  the 
city  altogether  too  warm  for  him  on,  the  18th,  of  May  ; 
and  although  his  assembly  had  been  adjourned  to  meet 
there  again  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  he  consulted  pru- 
dence, and  came  to  the  conclusion  to  change  the  place 
of  meeting,  and  to  call  the  body  together  in  some 
place  in  the  country,  where  he  could  more  readily 
concentrate  his  force  and  give  his  enemies  more  trouble 
to  get  at  him;  and  from  which  position  he  might,  if 
need  be,  more  readily  withdraw  into  Connecticut,  un- 
der the  wing  of  his  kind  friend  and  protector,  Gov. 
Cleaveland. 

As  early  as  the  10th  of  June,  the  Insurgents  began 
to  make  their  demonstrations.  At  Woonsocket,  a 
large  manufacturing  village  on  the  river  Blackstone, 
partly  in  Cumberland,  and  partly  in  Smithfield,  they 
commenced  the  work  of  reorganization,  and  began  to 
9 


102  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

parade  in  arms.  Almost  simultaneously  with  this 
movement,  small  bands  of  armed  men  of  the  same 
party,  sprang  up  in  Providence,  North  Providence, 
Cumberland,  Glocester,  and  Burrillville,  and  hints 
were  thrown  out,  of  what  was  to  come.  Much  pains 
were  also  taken  by  them  to  collect  implements  and 
munitions  of  war.  Yet  the  friends  of  the  government, 
though  they  entertained  some  undefined  notion  that  an 
attempt  would  be  made  to  hold  the  July  session  of  the 
General  Assembly  under  the  People's  Constitution, 
would  hardly  beheve  it  possible  that,  so  soon  after 
such  a  signal  defeat  and  dispersion  as  that  of  May 
18th,  another  serious  effort  would  be  made  to  appear 
in  arms,  with  a  hostile  intent.  Every  supjjosition  to- 
that  effect  was  treated  with  ridicule,  and  every  pains 
taken  to  prevent  reports  of  that  character  from  gaining 
credit,  and  to  allay  public  excitement.  Many  of  the 
reports  were  no  doubt  untrue  ;  such  as  the  collection 
of  thousands  of  stands  of  arms,  a  numerous  park  of 
Artillery,  a  host  of  troops  from  other  states,  ^-c.  But 
enough  was  known  to  those  who  kept  a  watchful  eye 
on  the  Insurgent  movements,  to  justify  the  prediction 
that  another  attempt  would  be  made,  to  obtain  pos- 
session of  the  State.  A  number  of  pieces  of  cannon 
in  the  city,  and  elsewhere,  mysteriously  disappeared; 
and  secret  meetings,  and  dark  hints,  exhibited  indica- 
tions hardly  to  be  mistaken. 

At  length  an  occurrence  took  place,  which,  like  the 
capture  of  the  cannon  on  the  17th,  of  May,  dispelled 
all  doubt,  and  put  the  government  party  on  their 
guard.     Those  same   cannon   had   been    put  into  t!ie 


.  CONCISE    HISTORY.  103 

hands  of  the  Artillery  Company,  at  Warren,  a  small 
town  about  nine  miles  from  Providence  ;  and,  from 
subsequent  developements,  it  appears  the  Insurgents 
determined  to  repossess  themselves  of  them.  Accord- 
ingly on  the  night  of  Saturday,  June  18th,  a  party  of 
about  fifty  men  repaired  thither  for  that  purpose; 
taking  with  them  four  horses,  to  convey  the  pieces 
to  Providence.  The  night  was  dark  and  stormy,  and 
therefore  Aworable  to  the  attempt.  But  the  night 
patrol  in  Providence  got  v^ind  of  the  movement  short- 
ly after  the  company  had  started  ;  and  four  men  were 
despatched  express  to  Wairen,  to  give  the  alarm. 
From  some  cause,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  the 
darkness  of  the  night,  the  maurauders  mistook  the 
place  where  the  cannon  were  deposited,  and  erron- 
eously broke  open  two  other  buildings.  Before  they 
had  attempted  the  third,  the  express  arrived,  and  turn- 
ed out  the  guard,  who  instantly  alarmed  the  town. 
In  less  than  thirty  minutes,  there  were  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men  in  the  streets,  under  arms  ;  but  the  In- 
surgents all  escaped,  though  many  of  them  have  since 
been  taken.  The  alarm  was  fortunate  for  them,  for 
had  they  succeeded  in  their  attempt  to  get  at  the  can- 
non, probably  but  few  of  them  would -have  lived  to 
tell  the  tale.  On  the  Monday  succeeding  the  forego- 
ing attempt,  a  Powder  Magazine  a  short  distance  out 
of  the  city,  was  discovered,  by  the  gentleman  who 
owned  it,  to  have  been  broken  open  within  the  three 
preceding  days,  and  forty-eight  kegs  containing  twelve 
hundred  pounds  of  gunpowder,  to  have  been  taken 
from:  it.  No  doubt  was  entertained  as  to  the  direction 
the  stolen  article  bad  taken. 


104  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

The  public  attention  had  been  for  some  time  drawn 
to  Woonsocket,  as  the  scene  of  future  operations,  by 
the  activity  manifested  there.  But  many  considered 
the  movements  in  that  village  as  a  mere  feint,  to  turn 
attention  from  the  spot  where  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  friends 
really  intended  to  take  post.  Chepachet,  a  consider- 
able village  in  the  town  of  Glocester,  was  one  mile 
farther  distant  from  Providence  than  Woonsoket  was, 
and  only  about  six  miles  from  the  line  of  Connecticut ; 
and  the  town  and  the  village  were  strong  in  his  favor. 
That  was  considered  his  most  eligible  post,  and  there, 
his  forces  eventually  concentrated.  By  the  20th  of 
June,  demonstrations  were  made  which  left  the  fact, 
and  the  object  in  view,  no  longer  doubtful.  Men 
with  arms,  and  men  without  arms,  began  to  collect  on 
the  spot,  and  an  embankment  was  soon  thrown  up  by 
them,  on  an  eminence  which  commanded,  at  once, 
the  village  and  the  great  road  leading  from  Providence 
through  it,  on  the  route  through  Connecticut, '  to 
Springfield,  Mass.  On  the  23d  of  June,  the  General 
Assembly  then  in  session,  passed  a  resolution,  author- 
ising the  Governor  and  Council  to  proclaim  Martial 
Law  when  they  should  think  it  necessary.  The 
friends  of  Dorr  who  intended  to  take  up  arms,  and 
others  who  were  fearful  of  being  pressed  into  the 
government  service,  took  the  hint,  and  fled  to  the 
Insurgent  camp.  The  resolution  was  passed  on 
Friday ;  and  by  the  following  Sunday,  there  were 
found  in  the  camp,  about  eight  hundred  men,  proba- 
bly something  more  than  one  half  the  number  armed ; 
about  one  hundred  others  having  left  on   Saturday, 


\ 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  105 

and  returned  to  their  homes.  Mr.  Dorr  had  arrived 
at  Norwich,  Ci.,  from  New  York,  on  the  22d,  and 
arrived  at  Chepachet  on  the  morning  of  the  25th. 
The  mihtary  occupied  the  village,  and  made  use  of 
many  of  the  houses  for  barracks.  Some  of  the 
inhabitants  fled  ;  but  as  Martial  Law  was  enforced, 
and  the  roads  occupied  by  Insurgent  guards  and 
scouts,  it  became  difficult  and  dangerous  either  to 
leave  the  village,  or  to  approach  it. 

On  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  Chepachet,  the  would- 
be  Governor  issued  the  following  documents  : 

State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Provideiice  Plantations. 
A   PROCLAMATION. 

BY  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  SAME. 

By  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  me  by  the 
constitution,  I  hereby  convene  the  General  Assembly 
which  was  adjourned  to  meet  at  Providence  on  Mon- 
day, the  4ih  of  July  next,  at  the  town  of  Glocester, 
on  the  same  day, /or  the  transaction  of  such  business 
as  may  come  before  them. 

And  I  hereby  request  the  towns  and  districts,  in 
which  vacancies  may  have  occurred,  by  the  resigna- 
tions of  Representatives  or  Senatoi-s,  to  proceed  forth- 
with to  supply  the  same  by  new-  elections,  according 
to  the  provisions  of  the  constitution. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  of  state,  at  Gloces- 
ter, the  25ih  day  of  June,  A.  D.  1842. 

THOMAS  W.  DORR 


106  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

GENERAL   ORDERS. 
Head  Quarters,  Glocester,  R.  I., 

June  25th,  1842. 

I  hereby  direct  the  military  of  this  State,  who  are 
in  favor  of  the  People's  Constitution,  to  repair  forth- 
with to  head  quarters,  there  to  await  further  orders  ; 
and  I  request  all  volunteers  and  volunteer  companies 
so  disposed  to  do  the  same. 

It  has  become  the  duty  of  all  citizens  who  believe 
that  the  people  are  sovereign,  and  have  a  right  to 
make  and  alter  their  forms  of  government,  now  to 
sustain  by  all  necessary  means,  the  constitution  adopt- 
ed and  established  by  the  people  of  this  State,  and 
the  government  elected  under  the  same. 

The  only  alternative  is  an  abject  submission  to  a 
despotism,  in  its  various  practical  effects,  without  a 
parallel  in  the  history  of  the  American  States.  I  call 
upon  the  people  of  Rhode  Island  to  assert  their  rights, 
and  to  vindicate  the  freedom  which  they  are  qualified 
to  enjoy  in  common  with  the  other  citizens  of  the 
American  republic.  . 

I  cannot  doubt  that  they  will  cheerfully  and 
promptly  respond  to  this  appeal  to  their  patriotism 
and  to  their  sense  of  justice  ;  and  that  they  will  Tshow 
themselves  in  this  exigency  to  be  the  worthy  descend- 
ants of  those  ancestors  who  aided  in  achieving  our 
National  Independence. 

THOMAS  W,  DORR, 
Governor  and  Commander-in-Chief.. 
By  order  of  the  Commander-in-Chief, 

William  H.  Potter,  Adjutant  General, 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  107 

How,  or  by  what  means,  the  above  was  circulated 
in  the  State,  if  at  all,  is  not  known,  as  the  papers 
here  which  had  previously  advocated  his  cause,  re- 
fused to  publish  it,  and  the  above  copy  is  from  a 
New  York  paper. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

The  drama  was  now  fairly  opened  ;  and  all  the 
preparations  were  either  made,  or  in  progress,  for  a 
bloody  tragedy,  which  was  destined  to  prove  one  of 
the  most  absolute  and  laughable  farces,  as  far  as 
the  Chepachet  manager  and  his  Dramatis  Personae 
were  concerned,  ever  represented  on  any  stage  since 
war  or  theatricals  were  first  invented  ;  or  in  which  a 
Shales  or  a  Bobadil,  has  ever  figured. 

The  General  Assembly  had  recommended  the  for- 
mation of  a  Volunteer  Armed  Police.  In  the  city  of 
Providence,  for  which  the  act  was  particularly  intend- 
ed, the  call  was  promptly  met.  Rolls  were  opened 
in  the  several  Wards  of  the  city,  and  in  a  very  short 
time  the  citizens  had  enrolled  themselves  to  the  num- 
ber of  about  one  thousand.  The  companies  thus 
formed  were  duly  organized,  officered,  and  drilled  ; 
and  the  city  itself  was  capable  of  turning  out  an 
effective  force  of  more  than  twelve  hundred,  for  her 
own  defence,  at  a  moment's  warning.  Providence, 
Warren,  Bristol,  and  Newport,  had  assumed  the  ap- 
pearance of  so  many  camps  —  portions  of  their  citi- 


108  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

zens  were  almost  continually  under  arras  —  and  day 
and  night  were  devoted  to  military  tactics.  The 
same  spirit  spread  through  most  other  portions  of  the 
State,  except  the  country  towns  in  the  county  .of 
Providence,  but  two  of  which  either  would  or  dared 
to  follow  the  example. 

The  first  act  of  open  hostility  was  committed  by  a 
portion  of  the  Insurgent  forces.  On  Wednesday 
night,  June  23,  Messrs.  Charles  J.  Shelly,  John  C. 
Keep,  Samuel  W.  Peckham,  and  Charles  F.  Harris, 
went  out  from  Providence  on  a  scouting  expedition. 
During  the  night,  they  were  fallen  in  with  by  a  de- 
tachment from  Dorr's  camp,  and  taken  prisoners. 
They  were  disarmed,  robbed,  and  bound,  and  marched 
off  twelve  miles  on  foot  to  Woonsocket.  Mr.  Shelly, 
a  large  man,  and  out  of  health,  had  his  hands  tied 
behind  him  ;  and  whenever  he  appeared  to  lag,  was 
driven  forward  with  the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  till  at 
length,  completely  exhausted,  he  fainted,  and  was 
tossed  into  a  wagon.  He  has  not  yet  fully  recovered 
his  health.  The  rest,  though  roughly  handled,  were 
treated  with  less  barbarity.  In  justice  to  the  officers 
to  whose  custody  they  were  delivered,  we  would 
remark  that  they  disapproved  of  the  treatment,  and 
caused  the  prisoners  to  be  released ;  but  neither  their 
arms  nor  money  were  restored. 

On  Tuesday,  June  21,  the  General  Assembly  con- 
vened at  Newport.  Determined  to  do  every  thing  in 
its  power  for  conciliation,  and  to  avert  the  evils  of  a 
sanguinary  conflict  in  arms,  that  body,  in  compliance 
with  numerous  petitions,  as  well  as  the  disposition  of 


CONCISK    HISTORY".  109 

the  members,  passed  an  act  to  call  a  convention  for 
the  formation  of  a  constitution.  The  convention  to 
be  held  at  Newport  on  the  second  Monday  in  Sep- 
tember, 1842. 

The  following  are  the  provisions  of  the  act,  respect- 
ing the  right  of  suffrage  and,  the  representation  in  the 
convention. 

"  Section  3.  The  Constitution  or  Articles  agreed 
upon  by  the  Convention,  shall  be  submitted  to  those 
qualified  to  vote  as  hereinafter  provided,  in  open  town 
or  ward  meetings,  to  be  held  on  such  day  or  days, 
and  in  .such  time  and  manner,  as  the  Convention  shall 
direct.  The  Constitution  or  articles  shall  be  certified 
by  the  Presidents  and  Secretaries,  and  with  the  journal 
and  papers  of  the  Convention  deposited  in  the- office 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  who  shall  immediately  dis- 
tribute to  the  several  town  and  city  clerks,  in  due 
proportion,  five  thousand  printed  copies  of  the  Con- 
stitution or  articles,  in  pamphlet  form,  and  also  thirty 
thousand  ballots,  on  one  side  of  which  shall  be  printed 
"  Constitution,  or  Articles  proposed  by  the  Conven- 
tion holden  at  Newport  on  the  second  Monflay  of 
September,  A.  D.  1842 ;"  and  on  the  other  side 
thereof  shall  be  written  or  printed  the  word  "  Adopt " 
on  one  half  of  them,  and  the  word  '•  Reject "  on  the 
other  half.  He  shall  also  cause  said  Constitution  or 
articles  to  be  published  in  any  other  manner  the 
Convention  may  prescribe. 

Section  5.  The  Delegates  to  said  Convention  shall 


110  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

be  elected  upon  a  basis  of  population  as  follows,  ac- 
cording to  ihe  census  of  1840:  every  town  of  not 
jnore  than  3,000  inhabitants,  may  elect  two  delegates  : 
over  3,000  and  not  over  6,000  three  delegates ;  over 
6,000  and  not  over  10,000  four  delegates;  over 
10,000  and  not  over  15,000  five  delegates;  and 
over  15,000,  six  delegates. 

Section  6.  In  the  choice  of  delegates  to  said  Con- 
vention, the  following  descriptions  of  persons  shall  be 
admitted  to  vote.  All  those  who  are  qualified  to  vote 
for  general  officers  by  existing  laws,  and  all  native 
male  citizens  of  the  United  States,  (except  Narragan- 
sett  Indians,  convicts,  paupers,  persons  under  guardian- 
ship and  non  compos  mentis.)  who  are  of  the  age  of  21 
years  and  upwards,  and  who  shall  have  had  their  per- 
manent residence  or  home  within  this  State  for  the 
period  of  3  years  next  preceding  their  voting,  and  in 
the  town  or  city  wherein  they  offer  to  vote  for  the 
period  of  one  year  next  preceding  such  voting,  and 
who  shall  have  had  their  names  recorded  with  the. 
town  or  city  clerk  of  the  town  or  city  in  which  they 
shall  offer  to  vote,  in  proper  books  to  be  kept  by  said 
town  or  city  clerks  for  that  purpose  at  least  ten  days 
before  the  day  of  voting  ;  and  in  voting  upon  the 
adoption  or  rejection  of  said  constitution  or  articles,  in 
addition  to  those  who  are  qualified  to  vote  for  general 
officers  by  the  existing  laws,  all  those  shall  be  admit- 
ted to  v^ote  who  will  be  qualified  to  vote  for  general 
officers  under  the  provisions  of  said  constitution  or 
articles,  if  in  force; — but  this  provision  shall  not  be 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  Ill 

construed  to  give  to  any  person  a  right  to  vote  at  any 
^town  or  ward  meeting,  held  under  and  by  virtue  of 
this  act,  upon  any  other  question  or  questions  than  the 
questions  herein  specifically  named." 

This  act,  as  was  well  known  beforehand,  served  to 
satisfy  a  great  many  of  the  disaffected  party,  and  had 
the  effect,  at  the  same  time,  to  bring  out  one  of  the 
strange  inconsistencies  of  human  character.  The 
same  persons  who  were  now  satisfied  with  the  exten- 
sion of  suffrage  in  merely  voting  for  delegates,  and  for 
or  against  the  constitution  to  be  proposecJ  by  them, 
were  among  the  most  strenuous  opposers  of  the  Land- 
holders' Constitution,  in  March,  because  it  was  not 
liberal  enough  as  respected  the  elective  franchise,  nor 
just  in  the  representative  apportionment.  Yet  that 
constitution  required  only  a  residence  of  two  years  in 
the  state,  and  six  months  in  a  town  or  city,  to  qualify 
a  native  citizen  to  vote,  and  the  act  of  June,  1842, 
requires  as  has  been  seen,  a  residence  of  three  years 
in  the  state  and  one  year  in  the  town  or  city.  Both 
that  constitution,  and  this  act,  confine  the  extension 
of  suffrage  to  native  citizens,  and  the  latter  extends  it 
to  the  colored  population.  The  exclusion  of  natur- 
alized foreigners  was,  in  the  view  of  these  late  converts, 
a  damning  sin  in  the  Landholders'  Constitution,  and 
a  direct  violation  of  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  nine  tenths  of  them  were  bitterly  opposed 
to  the  admission  of  colored  people  to  the  ballot  boxes. 
Nor  is  the  representative  apportionment,  in  the  act, 
any   more  equal,  than  it  was  in  the  above  consti- 


112  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

tution.  Yet  many  of  the  persons  who  led  the  van 
against  the  constitution,  moved  heaven  and  earth  for 
its  rejection,  and  pushed  on  the  multitude  to  the  work 
of  revolution,  to  the  great  hazard  of  individual  and 
public  safety,  and  to  the  sacrifice  of  more  than  fifty 
thousand  dollars  to  the  state  in  the  shape  of  expenses, 
and  five  times  that  amount  in  other  ways  to  the  com- 
munity, are  now  fully  satisfied  !  Such  is  the  incon- 
sistency of  men,  whose  oi)inions,  feelings,  and  princi- 
ples are  absorbed  in  partizan  warfare. 

When  a  large  number  of  individuals,  of  the  Suf- 
frage Party,  became  satisfied  that  the  constitution 
offered  in  March  was  a  liberal  compromise  that  ought 
to  be  accepted,  they  were  stigmatised  by  the  same 
men  who  have  now  recanted,  as  renegades  and  trai- 
tors. And  yet,  after  having  rejected  that  constitu- 
tioii,  and  driven  the  State  to  the  verge  of  a  sanguin- 
ary civil  war,  those  same  valorous  spirits  are  fully 
satisfied  with  an  offer  far  less  liberal,  and  disavow  the 
idea  of  ever  having  intended  to  resort  to  force  !  But 
we  must  return  to  our  story. 

The  Executive  Authority,  finding  that  the  State 
was  immediately  menaced  with  violence,  became  sat- 
isfied that  instant  and  decisive  measures  were  necessary, 
to  avert  the  impending  storm,  and  to  render  its  fury 
impotent.  To  do  this,  it  was  thought  expedient  to 
bring  a  force  into  the  field,  of  sufficient  magnitude  to 
overawe  the  foe,  and  thus,  if  possible,  to  prevent  a 
waste  of  blood. 

By  reference  to  the  letter  of  President  Tyler,  to 
Gov.  King,  under  date  of  May  7,  1842,  it  will  be 


CONCISE    HISTORT.  113 

seen  that  the  President  stated  that,  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  resolutions  previously  adopted  by  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  he  would,  on  any  future  occasion  of 
lawless  violence,  promptly  furnish  military  aid,  on 
the  application  of  the  Governor  alone.  The  assem- 
blage of  the  insurgent  force  at  Chepachet,  in  arms, 
the  General  Orders  and  Proclamation  of  Mr.  Dorr, 
the  occupation  of  the  village  and  the  roads  by 
an  armed  force,  the  capture,  detention,  and  cruel 
treatment  of  the  friends  of  the  government,  Stc.  were 
circumstances  which  seemed  to  the  Executive  of  the 
State,  to  come  fully  within  a  fair  construction  of  the 
President's  assurance.  Gov.  King  hence  made  a 
third  requisition  for  aid,  which  was  rejected  because 
it  did  not  proceed  from  the  State  Legislature,  then  in 
session  ! 

On  the  23d  of  June,  the  Commander-in-Chief 
issued  his  orders  to  the  military  to  put  themselves  in 
readiness,  and  to  be  prepared  to  take  the  field  at  a 
moment's  warning ',  and  qn  tlie  24th  a  steamboat  was 
ordered  down  the  Bay,  to  bring  in  the  troops  from 
Warren,  Bristol,  and  Newport.  In  the  afternoon  of 
the  same  day,  she  returned,  bringing  in  three  compa- 
nies of  artillery,  one  from  each  of  the  above,  places, 
with  seven  pieces  of  brass  ordnance,  six  pounders. 
The  boat  returned  down  the  Bay,  and,  the  next  day, 
June  26th,  brought  in  about  three  hundred  infantry; 
militia  and  volunteers,  from  Newport,  Tiverton,  War- 
ren and  Barrington.  Meantime,  a  company  of  about 
eighty  volunteers  had  arrived  from  Warwick  and  Cov- 
-entry ;  and  a  considerable  body  from  Portsmouth, 
.10 


114  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

Middletown,  Little  Compton,  and  other  places.  On 
Sunday,  the  Washington  Brigade,  entire,  came  in  on 
the  Stonington  Railroad,  mustering  about  five  hundred 
strong ;  and  the  Kentish  Guards,  a  chartered  company 
of  about  fifty  men,  swelled  the  force.  The  Fourth 
Brigade,  of  about  three  hundred  men  mustered  in  the 
southern  portion  of  the  State,  and  without  coming  to 
Providence,  were  under  orders  to  be  ready  to  march 
by  a  different  clirection,  to  the  scene  of  expected 
action.  A  company  of  Sea  Fencibles,  composed  of 
mariners,  a  bold  and  hardy  set  of  men,  had  been  form- 
ed. They  numbered  sixty-five  men,  and  were  to 
take  out  with  them,  a  Paixham  gun,  (a  thirty-two 
pounder,)  and  an  iron  twelve  pounder.  A  company 
of  Carbineers  was  also  formed,  mostly  of  young  men 
belonging  in  Rhode  Island,  but  resident  for  the  time 
in  New  York  ;  and  who  had  returned  to  their  native 
State,  to  tender  their  aid  in  the  hour  of  peril.  They 
were  arnied  with  Colt's  repeating  carbines,  each  with 
six  barrels.  By  Sunday  evening,  June  26th,  the 
force  mustered  in  the  city  was  not  far  from  three 
thousand  strong,  and  continually  augmenting.  Among 
them,  were  thirteen  pieces  of  artillery,  all  six  pound- 
ers, except  the  two  above  named.  Many  of  the 
troops  from  the  country  were  without  arms,  but  they 
were  promptly  armed  and  equipped  from  the  govern- 
ment stores ;  and  the  whole  presented  a  formidable 
front.  On  Saturday,  June  25th,  the  General  Assem- 
bly passed  an  act  placing  the  State  under  Martiaf 
Law.  On  Sunday  morning  guards  were  posted  at 
the  avenues  into  the  city,  and  in  Market  Square ;  and 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  115 

many  persons  were  put  under  arrest.  The  streets 
were  thronged  with  the  mihtary,  and  others  ;  and 
nothing  was  seen,  heard,  or  talked  of,  but  the  array 
and  din  of  war ;  while  troops  continued  to  press  in,  in 
large  bodies,  companies,  and  squads. 

Wm.  Gibbs  McNeil  was  appointed  to  command 
the  forces,  with  the  rank  of  Major  General,  and 
entered  forthwith  on  the  duties  of  his  office.  Asso- 
ciated with  him,  were  many  gentlemen  of  talents  and 
energy,  and  well  qualified  to  aid,  both  in  council  and 
the  field. 

The  plan  of  operations  appears  to  have  been,  to 
concentrate  a  portion  of  the  force  in  front  of  the  In- 
surgent encampment,  at  Chepachet,  by  marching 
detachments  to  the  village  on  the  several  routes  lead- 
ing to  it,  from  Providence  and  Woonsocket.  Another 
object  was,  to  throw  in  a  strong  force  between 
the  encampment  and  the  Connecticut  line,  to  pre- 
vent the  enemy  from  retreating  to  the  rear.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  National  Cadets,  ninety  strong,  under 
the  command  of  Col.  Josiah  H,  Martin,  took  up  the 
line  of  march  for  Woonsocket,  on  Monday,  June  27th, 
at  10  o'clock,  A.  M.  They  arrived  there  after  a 
march  of  a  few  hours,  and  took  post  in  the  village. 
They  were  to  have  been  followed  by  the  Sea  Fenci- 
ble?,  in  the  afternoon  ;  but,  in  consequence  of  some 
mistake  about  transportation,  that  corps  was  detained 
till  Tuesday  morning. 

On  Sunday,  the  26th,  the  Bristol  Artillery,  the 
Bristol  Neck  Infantry,  and  the  Newport,  Middletown, 
and  Barrington  volunteers,  marched  on  the  road  to 


116  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

Chepachet,  by  Fruit  Hill,  and  wpre  joined  on  Mon- 
day the  27th  by  the  First  Lt.  Infantry,  and  the  Marine 
Artillery,  of  Providence,  at  Greenville.  The  New- 
port Artillery,  Warren  Artillery,  and  Warren  Infantry, 
marched  for  Scituate  on  the  same  day ;  and  the  Third 
Washington  Brigade,  under  Gen.  Steadman,  took  the 
road  through  Foster.  They  were  joined,  on  the 
march,  by  a  portion  of  the  Fourth,  or  Kent  Brigade 
under  Gen.  Greene.  The  object  of  this  latter  force, 
was,  to  throw  itself  between  Chepachet  and  the  Con- 
necticut line,  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  Mr.  Dorr  and 
his  force.  There  are  sevferal  companies  and  detach- 
ments not  included  in  the  above,  whose  particular 
stations  and  duty  the  writer  is  not,  at  this  moment, 
able  to  learn ;  but  which  will  ba  mentioned  in  the 
sequel. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

The  plan  was  well  laid,  and  could  it  have  been 
carried  out  earlier,  would  undoubtedly  have  resulted 
in  the  capture  of  the  entire  force  at  Chepachet.  But 
the  movement  of  the  troops  was  a  few  hours  too  late 
for  that  result.  It  is  probable  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  friends 
expected  a  re-enforcement  of  men  from  New  York, 
and  did  not  calculate  on  a  movement  so  speedy  and 
efficient  on  the  part  of  his  adversaries ;  but  his  re- 
enforcement  did  not  arrive,  though  report  says  it  was 
on  its  way.     On  Monday,  he  received  intelligence 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  117 

of  the  preparations  nearly  completed,  to  attack  him. 
During  the  day,  his  father  visited  his  quarters,  and 
remonstrated  with  him  against  his  rash  undertaking. 
And  at  about  seven  o'clock  P.  M.  he  silently  and 
privately  decamped,  leaving  behind  him  a  letter,  in 
which  he  directed  his  forces  to  disband  themselves. 
At  the  same  time,  he  addressed  a  note  to  a  gentleman 
in  Providence,  of  which,  the  following  is  a  copy. 

Glocesfer  June  'Ulth,  1842. 
Dear  Sir, — Please  hand  the  enclosed  as  directed. 
Believing,  that  a  majority  of  the  People  who  voted  for 
the  constitution,  are  opposed  to  its  further  support  by 
military  means,  I  have  directed  that  the  military  here 
assembled  be  dismissed. 

I  trust  that  no  impediments  will  be  thrown  in  the 
way  of  the  return  of  our  men  to  their  homes. 

Yours  truly, 

T.  W.  DORR. 
The  communication  refered  to  and  enclosed  in  the 
above  letter  went  immediately  on  its  receipt  before  the 
Governor  and  Council  —  and  was   published  in  the 
Daily  Express  June  28th. 

Immediately  on  tlie  receipt  of  the  above,  all  was 
bustle  and  commotion  in  the  city.  The  night  proved 
dark,  and  the  rain  poured  in  torrents.  But  orders 
were  dispatched  to  the  troops  on  the  roads,  marching 
to  the  rear  of  the  Insurgent  force,  to  push  on,  which 
was  done  accordingly ;  and  another  was  despatched 
to  Woonsocket,  for  the  Cadets  to  retire  fix)m  that  post, 
10* 


118  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

lest  an  overpowering  force  should  press  down  upon 
them,  from  Chepachet.  The  orders  were  prompily 
obeyed.  The  Cadets,  however,  returned  to  their 
post  very  early  on  Tuesday  morning,  where  they 
were  soon  reenforced  by  the  Sea  Fencibles,  and  a  de- 
tachment of  one  hundred  and  eight  men  from  the  City 
Guards.  They  immediately  took  possession  of  the 
village,  enforced  martial  law,  and  I'emained  there, 
through  the  week,  except  the  City  Guards,  who  re- 
turned to  town  on  Thursday.  On  Tuesday,  the 
detachments  on  the  various  roads,  one  after  the  other 
arrived  at  Chepachet ;  but  they  found  the  camp  nearly 
deserted,  and  every  thing  in  disorder.  They  captured 
a  considerable  number  of  prisoners,  five  pieces  of  can- 
non which  were  in  the  camp,  and  one  in  the  Avoods, 
together  with  a  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  and 
baggage  ;  after  which,  the  main  body  relumed  to  the 
city,  leaving  a  force  to  occupy  the  village,  to  preserve 
peace,  and  protect  the  inhabitants,  for  a  few  days. 

On  the  same  day  that  Dorr  evacuated  his  camp,  a 
body  of  some  two  or  three  hundred  men  assembled  in 
Pawtucket  Mass.  with  several  well  known  adherents 
of  Mr.  Dorr  among  them,  apparently  determined  to 
break  through  the  lines,  to  cross  the  bridge,  and  to  en- 
ter Riiode  Island.  The  Kentish  Guards  were  posted 
on  the  Rhode  Island  side  of  the  Bridge,  in  Pawtucket. 
[The  bridge  is  all  in  Rhode  Island.]  Early  in  the 
evening,  the  mob  began  to  press  on  ;  and  assailed  the 
guard  with  brack-bats  and  other  missiles  ;  and  wound- 
ed one  or  more.  They  were  ordered  to  disperse,  but 
would  not  obey  the  command.     A  volley  of  musketry 


CONCISE    HISTOaif  119 

was  fired  over  their  heads  ;  and  still  they  persisted. 
A  second  order  to  disperse,  was  given,  with  no  better 
effect;  and  the  order  to  fire,  was  given,  and  promptly 
obeyed.  One  man  was  killed,  and  probably  one  or 
two  others  slightly  wounded.  In  the  evening,  the 
Carbineers  were  ordered  out ;  who,  on  their  arrival, 
relieved  the  Kentish  Guards,  and  cleared  the  bridge. 
A  detachment  of  the  City  Guards  was  also  sent  out ; 
and  next  day,  they  were  followed  by  the  United  Train 
of  Artillery,  with  two  six  pounders.  For  several 
nights,  the  mob  continued  to  collect,  and  to  disperse 
in  the  day  time ;  but  no  farther  violence  was  offered 
after  Monday  night.  From  day  to  da}'^,  portions  of 
the  force  were  recalled  ;  the  Cabineers  remaining  on 
duty  in  the  village,  till  Friday  afternoon. 

There  were  many  incidents  that  occurred  during 
this  almost  bloodless  campaign,  with  which  we  should 
like  to  enliven  our  pages,  but  space  will  not  permit, 
and  we  are  compelled  to  pass  them  by. 

The  writer  has  implied  that  the  movements  were 
not  sufficiently  prompt  to  gain  the  grand  object,  the 
capture  of  Mr.  Dorr,  and  his  entire  force,  although  the 
whole  were  routed  and  dispersed  by  the  mere  appear- 
ance of  the  formidable  iirray,  and  the  war  apparently 
ended.  But  so  far  from  its  being  matter  of  surprise 
that  such  delay  should  have  occurred,  it  is  astonishing 
that,  under  the  circumstances,  it  had  not  been  much 
greater.  It  was  only  on  Friday  the  order  for  troops 
was  issued.  They  were  men  to  be  called  from  their 
several  occupations  from  all  sections  of  the  state,  and 
few:,  except  members  of  chartered   companies,  at  all 


120  CONCISE    HISTORY 

accustomed  even  to  ordinaiy  military  duty.  Yet,  by 
Sunday  afternoon,  nearly  three  thousand  had  been 
collected  at  Providence.  A  large  number  of  these 
were  either  badly  armed,  or  not  armed  at  all ;  and  lit- 
tle or  no  preparation  had  been  made  for  supplies  by  the 
commissary  Department.  Yet,  under  all  these  disad- 
vantages, a  large  proportion  of  the  troops  were  ready 
for  the  field  on  Sunday  ;  the  rest  were  so  by  Monday 
noon  ;  and  before  Monday  night,  the  arrangements 
were  complete,  and  the  entire  body  either  on  the 
march,  or  prepared  to  move  at  the  first  sound  of  the 
bugle.  Seldom,  if  ever,  has  greater  promptness  and 
energy  been  displayed,  on  any  occasion,  in  mustering 
a  militia  force ;  and  never  can  there  have  been  greater 
alacrity  and  willingness  on  the  part  of  the  force  itself. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

On  Friday,  June  24,  the  General  Assembly  ad- 
journed at  Newport,  to  meet  at  Providence  the  next 
day.  We  have  already  seen  that  they  established 
Martial  Law.  On  Monday,  the  27th,  they  voted  to 
adjourn  till  the  Thursday  following;  and  most  of  the 
members  not  occupied  with  other  public  duties,  armed 
themselves  and  took  the  field.  Immediately  after  the 
flight  of  Mr.  Dorr,  Gov.  King  issued  another  Procla- 
mation for  his  arrest,  offering  a  reward  of  five  thousand 
dollars.     The  Legislature  assembled  again  after  the 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  121 

war,  according  to  adjournment,  adopted  fneasures  to 
pay  the  expenses  incurred,  appointed  commissioners  to 
settle  claims,  and  others  to  examine  prisoners,  and 
adjourned  to  October. 

Since  that  time,  Martial  Law  has  continued  in 
force,  though  by  a  General  Order,  farther  arrests 
under  it  are  prohibited,  unless  by  virtue  of  a  warrant 
from  the  Governor  himself,  or  a  member  of  his  coun- 
cil ;  and  peace  and  quiet  prevail.  A  large  number 
of  persons  who  fled  from  the  camp  at  Chepachet  are 
either  absent  from  the  State,  or  concealed  within  it. 
And  many  who  favored  Mr.  Dorr's  cause,  who  were 
unwilling  to  run  the  hazard  of  taking  up  arms,  left 
the  State  at  the  commencement  of  the  trouble,  and 
have  not  yet  returned. 

-The  execution  of  Martial  Law,  is  always  unpleas- 
ant, and,  even  in  the  hands  of  persons  averse  to  harsh 
measures,  will  ever  be  attended  with  some  evils  which 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  avoid  ;  while  it  certainly 
affords  an  opportunity  to  those  disposed  to  do  so,  to 
gratify  the  feelings  of  private  animosity.  It  is  a 
measure  which  nothing  but  the  paramount  considera- 
tion of  the  public  safety  can  justify,  and  even  then, 
in  its  mildest  form,  can  never  fail  to  call  forth  com- 
plaints from  those  who  are  affect&d  by  it.  In  the 
present  case,  many  of  those  who  have  been  arrested, 
and  others  whose  premises  underwent  the  "  searching 
operation, "  and  who  were  entirely  unaccustomed  to 
such  a  state  of  affairs,  have  exclaimed  loudly  against 
it,  as  an  act  of  arbitrary  tyranny.  It  is  altogether 
likely,  for  it  could  hardly  be  expected  to  be  otherwise. 


12^  CONCISE    HISTORV. 

that,  in  some  cases,  undue  severity  may  have  been 
practised,  and  that  some  who  were  innocent,  may 
have  suffered.  Yet  probably  in  few  instances,  if  in 
any,  has  abuse  been  intended,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that,  the  disagreeable  duty  of  arrest  and  search 
has  been  performed  with  as  much  prudence  and  gen- 
tleness as  circumstances  would  permit. 

Of  the  capture  and  tfeatment  of  prisoners,  too,  a 
great  deal  has  been  said  abroad,  though  little  or  noth- 
ing is  heard  on  the  subject  among  our  own  citizens. 
A  state  of  captivity  is  not  always  the  most  agreeable, 
nor  could  a  large  body  of  prisoners  reasonably  expect 
to  occupy  the  best  rooms  in  first  rate  hotels,  nor  to  be 
entertained  in  gentlemanly  style,  and  treated  daily  to 
Madeira  and  Champaign.  It  may  be  said  that,  for 
men  to  be  marched  to  prison,  and  to  be  fed  on  com- 
mon food,  is  a  hard  lot ;  and  so  it  is.  So  it  is  also, 
for  others  to  march  to  the  field  to  capture  them,  and 
to  live  on  the  same  sort  of  food.  The  fact  is,  that,  as 
to  marching  and  diet,  the  troops  and  their  prisoners 
have  fared  alike,  and  the  troops  say  their  supplies 
have  been  good  and  abundant.  Supplies  equally 
good  and  abundant  have  been  continued ;  and  it  is 
enough  to  say  that,  since  the  arrival  of  the  prisoners 
in  Providence,  about  200,  after  all  their  exposure, 
privations,  and  hardships,  in  the  camp  at  Chepachet, 
not  one  has  died,  or  been  seriously  indisposed.  On 
the  whole,  take  the  affair  from  the  cotnmencement  to 
the  close,  as  little  abuse,  of  any  description,  has  been 
experienced  or  practised  on  either  side,  as  could  possi- 
bly be  expected   in  such  a  state  of  public  feeling. 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  123 

And  the  discharge  of  a  vast  proportion  of  the  prison- 
ers certainly  does  not  manifest,  on  the  part  of  the 
government,  a  disposition  to  persecute  those  who  may 
have  fallen  into  their  hands. 


CHAPTER   XXIIL 

In  penning  the  foregoing  brief  narrative,  it  has  been 
the  intention  of  the  author  to  state  nothing  but  facts  ; 
and  he  believes  he  may  safely  venture  to  appeal  to 
any  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Suffrage  Association,  conversant  with  its  affairs  from 
the  commencement,  to  bear  him  out.  The  author, 
though  for  some  years  an  ardent  advocate  for  a  writ- 
ten constitution,  and  an  extension  of  suffrage,  has  not 
been  a  member  of  the  Suffrage  Association  since  July, 
1840  ;  nor  has  he  ever  filled  any  office  in  that  body, 
either  as  a  lecturer,  or  any  thing  else.  He  has  acted 
independently  and  alone  ;  and  yet  has  been  placed  in 
a  situation,  in  whioli  he  has  had  opportunities  to  be- 
come acquainted  with  all  its  movements.  With  hun- 
dreds of  others,  he  boldly  advocated,  as  he  still  does, 
the  original  sovereignty  of  the  people,  the  source 
of  all  political  power.  But  he  has  also  recognised  the 
great  principle,  that  force  is  never  to  be  exercised  for 
redress  of  grievances,  till  in  the  last  extremity,  all 
peaceable  remedies  .shall  have  been  applied,  and  prov- 
ed ineffectual.     I(  was  on  this   principle,  that  he  re- 


124  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

monstrated,  personally,  with  Mr.  Dorr  and  others, 
against  all  their  premature  measures  relative  to  a  con- 
stitution, deeming  it  the  duty  of  the  suffrage  party  to 
await  the  action  of  the  Landholders'  Convention. 
And  when  all  remonstrance  failed,  he  voted  for  the 
People's  Constitution  as  an  expression  of  opinion,  as 
did  many  hundred  others  ;  and  avowed  his  conviction, 
that  there  was  no  binding  force  in  the  act,  and  that, 
in  the  exercise  of  the  same  original  sovereignly,  on 
which  the  People's  Convention  acted,  he  should  feel 
himself  at  perfect  liberty  to  vote  for  any  other  con- 
stitution. Such  were  the  sentiments  of  many  others  ; 
and  such  the  principle  on  which  they  acted  ;  though 
probably  not  many  of  them  took  the  trouble  to  make 
the  avowal,  which,  for  particular  reasons,  the  writer 
did  make,  as  many  of  the  suffrage  party  will  have  the 
candor  to  acknowledge.  These  remarks  may  appear 
egotistical  to  some,  but  they  have  been  made  in  obed- 
ience to  a  different  feeling. 

The  public  ought  to  know,  that,  there  is  a  vast 
difference  between  the  original  suffrage  man,  and  the 
later  adjuncts  of  the  party,  converted  and  initiated 
since  the  Autumn  of  1840.  The-former,  except  such 
as  have  been  hurried  forward  by  the  latter,  never 
dreamed  of  the  exercise  of  physical  force  until  they 
should  be  compelled  to  resort  to  it,  as  the  last  and  only 
remaining  alternative.  Many  of  this  class  accepted 
the  Landholders'  Constitution  in  March  1842,  as  a 
more  liberal  concession  than  they  had  ever  demanded. 
Others,  either  thinking  themselves  too  far  committed  ' 
with  the  ultra  party,  to  recede,  or  affected  by  the  cry 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  121 

of  traitor  and  apostate,  rejected  the  constitution,  and 
regretted  it  afterwards.  The  politico  suffrage  men 
were  led  on  by  a  number  of  persons,  very  few  of 
whom,  as  hinted  before,  had  ever  stood  forward  as 
friends  to  an  extension  of  suffrage,  but  who  under 
circumstances  of  defeat,  were  wilhng  to  take  advan- 
tage of  any  movement,  to  benefit  themselves.  They 
were  completely  ultra  in  their  views,  and  laid  their 
plans  at  first,  to  do  by  force,  what  they  would  not 
attempt  by  peaceable  means.  They  were  the  men 
who  sounded  the  call  *'  to  arms,  "  but  who,  when  the 
crisis  camC;  were  among  the  missing ;  it  never  having 
been  their  object  to  fight,  but  to  gather  up  the  spoils 
of  victory.  Hence,  when  the  entire  mass  had  been 
thoroughly  sifted,  very  little  was  left  to  Mr.  Dorr,  but 
the  refuse  of  the  force  party,  which  contained  not 
enough  of  moral  principle,  to  give  it  power,  stability, 
or  courage. 

The  affair  has  caused  much  trouble  and  alarm,  as 
well  as  some  suffering,  and  a  heavy  expense.  Yet 
the  result  is  auspicious,  and  a  full  equivalent  for  all  it 
has  cost.  It  has  shown  who  are  ready,  on  all  occa- 
sions, to  strengthen  the  ligatures  which  bind  society 
together  —  It  has  defined  the  true  position  of  men  in 
the  social  compact,  on  the  ground  of  principle  and 
usefulness,  independent  of  extrinsic  and  fortuitous  cir- 
cumstances of  wealth  and  rank  —  It  has  fully  verified 
the  truth  of  the  doctrine  of  the  mutual  dependence  ol 
mankind,  in  society ;  and  taught  the  freeholder  and 
the  non-freeholder,  that  neither  can  be  safe,  without 
the  aid  of  the  other ;  and  while  probably  a  majority 
11 


122  CONCISE    HISTORY, 

of  the  non-freeholders,  by  the  promptness  with  which 
they  have  volunteered  to  sustain  the  government,  have 
fully  proved  themselves  worthy  to  participate  in  its 
concerns,  many  of  the  freeholders,  who  have  hereto- 
fore been  generally  considered  the  only  citizens  on 
whom  reliance  could  be  placed,  have  been  most  busy 
in  stirring  up  strife,  and  lighting  the  flame  of  civil  war. 
And  last,  though  not  least,  it  has  prepared  the  way 
for  a  good  written  constitution,  with  an  extension  of 
suffrage  perfectly  satisfactory  to  -three  fourths  of  the 
people  at  least ;  and  which,  without  something  like 
the  commotion  we  have  passed  through,  might  not 
have  been  had  for  half  a  century  to  come.  Rhode 
Island,  in  the  end,  has  found  and  tested  her  own 
strength,  without  the  aid  of  the  General  Government 
which  was  finally  proffered  and  rejected,  when  it  was 
not  needed;  and  occupies  a  higher  standing  than  ever, 
in  the  view  of  impartial  men  of  all  parties. 


CONCLUSION. 

The  writer  will  conclude  this  narrative,  with  a  brief 
review  of  some  facts  connected  in  the  People's  Consti- 
tution, &.C. 

The  votes  for  the  constitution,  in  December,  1842, 
were  claimed  to  be  13,966.  If  this  number  were 
realy  cast,  it  no  doubt  gave  a  clear  majority  of  the 
people,  of  nearly  or   quite   3,000  ;  and   as  few  then 


CONCISE    HISTORY.  123 

knew  of  any  contemplated  forcible  measures,  all  that 
would  voluntarily  go  to  the  ballot  box,  and  all  that 
could  be  persuaded  to  go,  during  three  days  of  voting, 
and  all  the  names  that  could  be  collected  during  three 
subsequent  days,  were  represented ;  as  well  as  many 
who  were  absent,  and  whose  names  had  been  obtained 
beforehand.  Many  spurious  votes  were  thus  known 
to  have  been  obtained  ;  and  how  many  more  were  cast 
could  not  be  known,  without  canvassing  the  entire 
state  anew  by  means  of  sworn  officers ;  because  not 
a  clerk  or  other  officer  attending  any  of  the  meetings, 
was  sworn.  Of  course  there  was  nothing  like  record 
evidence  to  legalise  a  single  return  of  votes,  had  all 
the  other  proceedings  been  legal.  Such  returns  would 
have  been  rejected  by  any  conventional,  judicial,  or 
legislative  body,  in  the  Union,  even  in  case  of  an 
ordinary  election  ;  yet  such  were  the  returns,  furnish- 
ing the  only  evidence  that  the  People's  Constitution 
had  received  the  major  vote  of  the  people.  True, 
the  returns  were  offered  to  the  General  Assembly,  for 
them  to  test.  But  they  would  have  had  to  canvas 
the  entire  state  to  do  it,  and  which  would  have  been 
precisely  equivalent  to  admitting  the  legality  of  the 
convention  and  its  proceedings.  This,  they  would 
not  do.  Notwithstanding,  therefore,  all  that  has  been 
said  on  the  subject,  it  never  was  known,  and  never 
can  be  known,  from  any  existing  legal  evidence,  or 
any  that  could  be  reduced  to  legal  form,  that  the  Peo- 
ple's Constitution  did  receive  the  votes  of  a  majority 
of  the  people  of  Rhode  Island. 

Subsequently,   a  large  number  who  had   voted  for 


124  CONCISE    HISTOKF. 

that  constitution,  quit  the  ranks  of  the  party,  and  voted 
for  the  other  constitution,  in  March,  1842.  In  the 
contest,  all  that  the  party  in  favor  of  the  People's 
Constitution  could  muster  to  defeat  the  other,  includ- 
ing 800  men  opposed  to  both,  and  as  many  more  of 
the  same  description  who  did  not  vote  at  all,  was  but 
about  8,000.  The  rest,  by  their  votes,  repudiated 
the  People's  Constitution,  and  showed  themselves  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  other.  But  there  was  to  come 
another  test,  and  still  another,  of  the  validity  of  the 
declaration  uttered  by  the  People's  Convention  — 
"  The  Constitution  is  adopted,  and  sHAtL  be 
MAINTAINED.  "  If  the  majority  had  really,  in  what 
they  considered  a  binding  manner,  adopted  the  con- 
stitution, they  would  sustain  that  declaration.  If  they 
would  not,  and  chose,  in  the  exercise  of  their  original 
sovereign  capacity,  to  sustain  another  government, 
there  was  an  end  to  the  People's  Constitution ;  and  a 
legitimate  end  too,  of  which  none  can  complain;  because 
such  was  the  doctrine  of  the  convention  itself.  Well ; 
preparation  was  made  to  maintain  the  constitution  by 
force,  and  what  has  been  the  issue  ? 

Much  as  has  been  said  about  the  arbitrary  and 
overbearing  spirit  of  those  who  have  opposed  Mr. 
Dorr  and  his  friends,  in  their  attempts  at  revolution  ; 
but  there  is  one  remarkable  fact  that  stands  out  in  bold 
relief,  and  would  seem  to  contradict  the  oft  repeated 
assertion.  Mr.  Dorr  and  his  friends  boldly  declared 
their  intention,  to  be,  to  appeal  to  arms,  unless  the 
General  Assembly  gave  up  the  government  to  them. 
Yet,  without  molestation  or  hindrance,  they  were  per- 


CONCISE'  HISTORY.  125 

milted  to  collect  all  the  men  they  could,  to  organise 
and  drill  them  as  a  military  force,  to  arm  and  equip 
them  in  open  day,  to  call  them  into  the  field  with  the 
avowed  purpose  of  overturning  the  government,  and 
finally,  to  encamp  themselves  in  the  most  populous 
place  in  the  state.  And  after  all,  when  those  troops 
were  mArched  up  to  attack  an  overwhelming  force, 
these  arbitrary  landholders  and  tyrants  looked  calmly 
and  patiently  on,  awaiting  the  first  shot,  determined 
not  to  spill  the  first  blood.  And  then  they  permitted 
the  conquered  party  to  retire,  unmolested,  to  their 
homes.  Mr.  Dorr,  in  two  months,  had  collected  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  Governor  King,  had  called 
together  eight  hundred  ;  and  might,  if  neceesary,  have 
had  as  many  thousands. 

Attain  Mr,  Dorr  made  an  effort  to  rally.  His  forces 
now  mustered  and  drilled  in  any  part  of  the  state  they 
chose,  and  procured  arms  and  anjmunition  where 
and  how  they  pleased  ;  and  no  one  disturbed  them. 
They  were  also  allowed  to  entrench  themselves  again 
in  a  new  and  strong  position ;  and  when  Mr.  Dorr 
had  swelled  his  force  as  much  as  it  seemed  possible 
to  do,  he  could  number  a  host  of  eight  hundred  men. 
The  arbitrary  tyrants  then  very  obligingly  gave  Mr. 
Dorr  and  his  men  a  chance  to  learn  with  what  num- 
ber of  men,  and  with  what  advantages,  they  were  to 
be  attacked  and  they  might,  at  their  option,  either 
run  away,  or  slay  and  be  cut  to  pieces.  They  pre- 
ferred to  run  away  ;  and  then  again,  in  the  exercise 
of  their  arbitrary  tyranny,  the  authorities  have  dismiss- 
ed, without  punishment,  more  than  three  fourths  of 
11* 


136  CONCISE    HISTORY. 

all  their  captives.  In  the  end,  Mr.  Dorr  became  sat- 
isfied, that  a  majority  of  the  people  of  Rhode  Island 
will  not  sustain,  and  do  not  wish  to  see  established, 
the  People's  Constitution,  and  a  government  under  it. 
The  only  coercive  measure  adopted  by  the  legislative 
authority,  from  the  commencement,  except  to  arm  the 
people  and  to  call  them  into  the  field  for  defence,  was 
the  law  which  its  opponents  call  the  Algerine  Law. 
And  even  that  affected  persons  only  who  took  office 
under  the  new  Government,  while  the  people  were 
left  to  act  as  they  pleased.  The  whole  presents  one 
of  the  most  singular  pictures  of  tyranny  of  which  we 
have  ever  heard  or  read.  ^ 


APPENDIX. 


SECOND  LETTER  OF  PRESIDENT  TITLER. 

BY  HIS  EXCELLENCY 

SAMUEL    WARD    KING, 

Governor,  Captain  General,  and  Commander  in-Chief  of 
the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Planta- 
tions. 

.  A  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  trans- 
mitted to  me  a  communication  touching  the  political 
affairs  of  this  State,  a  copy  whereof  is  hereunto  an- 
nexed : 

I  do  therefore  issue  this  my  Proclamation,  to  make 
known  the  same  to  the  People  of  this  State,  and  more 
especially  to   those    engaged    in  treasonajjie  enterprise 
against  the  Laws  and  Government  thereof,  that  they  may 
give  heed  thereto,  and  govern  themselves  accordingly. 
In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  caused  the  seal  of  said 
State  to  be  affixed  to  these  Presents,  and  have 
signed  the  same  with  my  hand.     Given  at  New- 
[l.  s.]  port,  on  the  eleventh  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty- 
two,   and    of  the   Independence   of  the    United 
States  of  America  the  sixty-sixth. 

SAMUEL  WARD  KING. 

By  his  Excellency's  command : 

Henry  Bowen,  Secretary  of  State. 


128  APPENDIX 

To  the  Gooernor  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island. 
Washington  City,  May  7,  1842. 

Sir,  —  Your  letter  of  the  4th  inst.,  transmitting  Reso- 
lutions of  the  Legislalure  of  Rhode  Island,  informing  me 
that  there  existed  in  that  State  "  certain  lawless  assem- 
blages of  a  portion  of  the  people,"  for  the  purpose  of 
subverting  the  laws  and  overthrowing  the  existing  Gov- 
ernment, and  calling  upon  tl»e  Executive  "  forthwith  to 
interpose  the  power  and  authority  of  the  United  States 
to  suppress  such  insurrectionary  and  lawless  assemblages, 
and  to  support  the  existing  government  and  laws,  and 
protect  tiie  State  from  domestic  violence,"  was  handed 
nie  on  yesterday,  by  Messrs.  Randolph  and  Potter. 

I  have  to  inform  your  Excellency  in  reply,  that  my 
opinions  as  to  the  duties  of  this  Government  to  protect 
the  State  of  Rhode  Island  against  domestic  violence,  re- 
main unchanged.  Yet,  from  information  received  by  the 
Executive  since  your  despatches  came  to  hand,  I  am  led 
to  believe  that  the  lawless  assemblages  to  which  reference 
is  made,  huve  already  dispersed,  and  that  the  danger  of 
domestic  violence  is  hourly  diminishing,  if  it  has  not 
wholly  disappeared.  I  have  with  difficulty  brought  my- 
sell  at  any  time  to  believe,  that  violence  would  be  re- 
sorted to,  or  an  exigency  arise,  which  the  unaided  power 
of  the  State  could  not  meet ;  especially  as  I  have  from 
the  first  felt  persuaded,  that  your  Excellency,  as  well  as 
others  associated  with  yourself  in  the  administration  of 
the  governinent,  would  exhibit  a  temper  of  conciliation 
as  well  as  of  energy  and  decision.  To  the  insurgents 
themselves  it  ought-to  be  obvious,  when  the  excitement 
of  the  moment  shall  have  passed  away,  that  changes 
achieved  by  regular,  and,  if  necessary,  repeated  appeals 
to  the  constituted  authorities,  in  a  country  so  much  un- 
der the  influence  of  public  opinion,  and  by  recourse  to 
argument  and  remonstrance,  are  more  likely  to  ensure 
lasting  blessings  than  those  accomplished  by  violence 
and  bloodshed  on  one  day,  and  liable  to  overthrow  by 
similar  agents  on  another, 

I  freely  confess  that  I  should  experience  great  reluc- 
tance in  employing  the  military  power  of  this  Govern- 


APPENDIX.  129 

inent  against  any  portion  of  ihe  people;  but,  however 
painful  the  duty,  I  have  to  assure  youi  Excellency,  that 
if  resistance  is  made  to  the  execution  of  the  laws  of 
Rhode  Island,  by  such  force  as  the  civil  posse  shall  be 
unable  to  overcome,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  this  Govern- 
ment to  enforce  the  constitutional  guarantee  —  a  guaran- 
tee given  and  adopted  mutually  by  all  the  original  States, 
of  which  Rhode  Island  was  one,  and  which,  in  the  same 
way,  has  been  given  and  adopted  by  each  of  the  States 
since  admitted  into  the  Union.  And  if  an  exigency  of 
lawless  violence  shall  actually  arise,  the  Executive  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  on  the  application  of  your 
Excellency,  under  the  authority  of  the  resolutions  of  the 
Legislature  already  transmitted,  will  stand  ready  to  suc- 
cor the  authorities  of  the  State  in  their  efforts  to  main- 
tain a  due  respect  for  the  laws.  I  sincerely  hope,  how- 
ever, that  no  such  exigency  may  occur,  and  that  every 
citizen  of  Rhode  Island  will  manifest  his  love  of  peace 
and  good  order,  by  submitting  to  the  laws,  and  seeking  a 
redress  of  grievances  by  other  means  than  intestine  com- 
motions. 

1  tender  to  your  Excellency  assurances  of  my  distin- 
guished consideration.  JOHN  TYLER. 


The  following  are  the  portions  of  the  People's  Consti- 
tution, so  called,  which  embrace  the  material  subjects  of 
dispute  between  the  contending  parties. 

We,  the  PEOPLE  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island 
AND  Providence  Plantations,  grateful  to  Almighty 
God  for  his  blessing  vouchsafed  to  the  "  lively  experi- 
ment" of  Religious  and  Political  Freedom  here  "  held 
forth"  by  our  venerated  ancestors,  and  earnestly  implor- 
ing the  favor  of  his  gracious  Providence  toward  this  our 
attempt  to  secure,  upon  a  permanent  foundation,  the  ad- 
vantages of  well  ordered  and  rational  Liberty,  and  to 
enlarge  and  transmit  to  our  successors  the  inheritance 
that  we  have  received,  do  ordain  and  establish  the  fol- 
lowing CONSTITUTION  of  Government  for  this  State. 


136  APPENDIX, 

ARTICLE  I. 

DECLARATION    OF    PRINCIPLES    AND    RIGHTS. 

1.  In  the  spirit  and  in  the  words  of  Roger  Williams, 
the  illustrious  Founder  of  this  State,  and  of  his  vener- 
ated associates.  We  declare,  "  that  this  government 
shall  be  a  Democracy,"  or  government  of  the  people, 
"  by  the  major  consent "  of  the  same,  "  only  in  civil 
THINGS."  The  will  of  the  people  shall  be  expressed  by 
Representatives  freely  chosen,  and  returning  at  fixed  pe- 
riods to  their  constituents.  This  State  shall  be,  and  for- 
ever remain,  as  in  the  design  of  its  Founder,  sacred  to 
"  Soul  Liberty,"  to  the  rights  of  conscience,  to  free- 
dom of  thought,  of  expression  and  of  action,  as  herein- 
after set  forth  and  secured. 

2.  All  men  are  created  tree  and  equal,  and  are  en- 
dowed by  their  Creator  with  certain  natural,  inherent  and 
inalienable  Rights;  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  the 
acquisition  of  property,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 
Government  cannot  create  or  bestow  these  rights,  which 
are  the  gift  of  God;  but  it  is  instituted  for  the  stronger 
atid  surer  defence  of  the  same;  that  men  may  safely  en- 
joy the  rights  of  life  and  liberty,  securely  possess  and 
transmit  property,  and,  so  far  as  lawa  avail,  may  be  suc- 
cessful in  the  pursuit  of  happine.«s. 

3.  All  political  power  and  sovereignty  are  originally 
vested  in,  and  of  right  belong  to  the  People.  AH  free 
governments  are  founded  in  their  authority,  and  are  es- 
tablished for  tlie  greatest  good  of  the  whole  number. 
The  People  have  therefore  an  inalienable  and  indefeasi- 
ble right,  in  their  original,  sovereign  and  unlimited 
capacity,  to  ordain  and  institute  government,  and,  in  the 
same  capacity,  to  alter,  reform,  or  totally  change  the 
same,  whenever  their  safety  or  happiness  requires. 

4.  No  favor  or  disfavor  ought  to  be  shown  in  legisla- 
tion toward  any  man,  or  party,  or  society,  or  religious 
denomination.  The  laws  should  be  made  not  for  the 
good  of  the  few,  but  of  the  many;  and  the  burdens  of 
the  State  ought  to  be  fairly  distributed  among  its  citi- 
zens. 

5.  The  diffusion  of  useful  knowledge,  and  the  culti- 


APPENDIX.  131 

vation  of  a  sound  morality,  in  the  fear  of  God,  being  of 
the  first  importance  in  a  Republican  State,  and  indis- 
pensible  to  the  maintenance  of  its  liberty,  it  shall  be  an 
imperative  duty  of  the  Legislature  to  promote  the  estab- 
lishment ot  Free  Schools,  and  to  assist  in  the  support  of 
Public  Education. 

6.  Every  person  in  this  State  ought  to  find  a  certain 
remedy,  by  having  recourse  to  the  laws,  for  ail  injuries 
or  wrongs  which  .nay  be  done  to  his  rights  of  person, 
property  or  character.  He  ought  to  obtain  right  and 
justice  freely  and  without  purchase,  completely  and  with- 
out denial,  promptly  and  without  delay,  conformably  to 
the  laws. 

7.  The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  per- 
sons, houses,  papers  and  possessions,  against  unreasona- 
ble searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated;  and  no 
warrant  shall  issue  but  on  complaint  in  writing  upon 
probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and 
describing,  as  nearly  as  may  be,  the  place  to  be  searched, 
and  the  person  or  things  to  be  seized. 

8.  No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  to  a  capital  or 
other  infamous  charge,  unless  on  indictment  by  a  Grand 
Jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces, 
or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of  war 
or  public  danger,  —  No  person  shall  be  tried,  after  an 
acquittal,  for  the  same  crime  or  offence. 

9.  Every  man  being  presumed  to  be  innocent,  until 
pronounced  guilty  by  the  law,  all  acts  of  severity,  that 
are  not  necessary  to  secure  an  accused  person,  ought  to 
be  repressed. 

10.  Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive 
fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  or  unusual  punishments  inflicted  ; 
and  all  punishments  ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  of- 
fence. 

11.  All  prisoners  shall  be  bailable  upon  sufficient 
surety,  unless  for  capital  offences,  when  the  proof  is  evi- 
dent, or  the  presumption  great.  The  privilege  of  the 
writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  unless 
when,  in  cases  of  rebellion,  or  invasion,  the  public  safety 
shall  require  it. 

12.  In   all   criminal  prosecutions,   the  accused   shall 


132  APPENDIX. 

have  (he  privilege  of  a  sj)eecly  and  public  trial,  by  an  im- 
partial jury;  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the 
accusation ;  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against 
him;  have  compulsory  process  to  obtain  them  in  his  fa- 
vor, and  at  the  public  expense,  when  necessary  ;  have  the 
assistance  of  counsel  in  his  defence,  and'be  at  liberty  to 
speak  for  himself.  Nor  shall  he  be  deprived  of  his  life, 
liberty  or  property,  unless  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers, 
or  the  law  of  the  land. 

13.  The  right  of  trial,  by  jury,  shall  remain  inviolate; 
and  in  all  criminal  cases  the  jury  shall  judge  both  of  the 
law  and  of  the  facts. 

14.  Any  person  in  this  State,  who  may  be  claimed,  to 
be  held  to  labor  or  service,  under  the  laws  of  any  other 
State,  territory,  or  district,  shall  be  entitled  to  a  jury 
trial,  to  ascertain  the  validity  of  such  claim. 

15.  No  man  in  a  Court  of  common  law  shall  be  re- 
quired to  criminate  himself 

16.  Retrospective  laws,  civil  and  criminal,  are  unjust 
and  oppressive,  and  shall  not  be  made. 

17.  The  People  have  a  right  to  assemble  in  a  peace- 
able manner,  without  molestation  or  restraint,  to  consult 
upon  the  public  welfare;  a  right  to  give  instructions  to 
their  Senatsrs  and  Representatives;  and  a  right  to  apply 
to  those  invested  with  the  powers  of  Government  for  re- 
dress of  grievances,  for  the  repeal  of  injurious  laws,  for 
the  correction  of  faults  of  administration,  and  for  all 
other  purposes. 

18.  The  liberty  of  the  Press  being  essential  to  the  se- 
curity of  freedom  in  a  State,  any  citizen  may  publish  his 
sentiments  on  any  subject,  being  responsible  for  the  abuse 
of  that  liberty;  and  in  all  trials  for  libel,  both  civil  and 
criminal,  the  truth,  spoken  from  good  motives  and  for 
justifiable  ends,  shall  be  a  sufficient  defence  to  the  per- 
son charged. 

19.  Private  property  shall  not  be  taken  for  public  uses 
without  just  compensation ;  nor  unless  the  public  good 
require  it;  nor  under  any  circumstances  until  compensa- 
tion shall  have  been  made,  if  required. 

20.  The  military  shall  always  be  held  in  strict  subor- 
dination to  the  civil  authority. 


APPENDIX.  133 

21.  No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in 
any  house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner ;  nor  in 
time  of  war  but  in  manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

22.  Whereas  Almighty  God  hath  created  the  mind 
free,  and  all  attempts  to  influence  it  by  temporal  punish- 
ments, or  burdens,  or  by  civil  incapacitations,  tend  to  be- 
get habits  of  hypocrisy  and  meanness;  and  whereas  a 
principal  object  of  our  venerated  ancestors  in  their  mi- 
gration to  this  country,  and  their  settlement  of  this  State, 
was,  as  they  expressed  it,  to  hold  forth  a  lively  experi- 
ment, that  a  flourishing  civil  State  may  stand,  and  be 
best  maintained,  with  full  liberty  in  religious  concern- 
ments. We  therefore  declare,  that  no  man  shall  be 
compelled  to  frequent,  or  support  any  religious  worship, 
place  or  ministry  whatsoever,  nor  be  enforced,  restrained, 
molested,  or  burdened  in  his  body  and  goods,  nor  dis- 
qualified from  holding  any  office,  nor  otherwise  suffer  on 
account  ot  his  religious  belief;  and  that  all  men  shall  be 
free  to  profess,  and  by  argument  to  maintain,  their  opin- 
ions in  matters  of  religion  ;  and  that  the  same  shall  in  no 
wise  diminish,  enlarge  or  affect  their  civil  capacities; 
and  that  all  other  religious  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
people  of  this  State,  as  now  enjoyed,  shall  remain  invio- 
late and  inviolable. 

23.  No  witness  shall  be  called  in  question  before  the 
Legislature,  nor  in  any  Court  of  this  State,  nor  before 
any  magistrate,  or  other  person,  authorized  to  administer 
an  oath,  or  affirmation,  for  his  or  her  religious  belief,  or 
opinions,  or  any  part  thereof;  and  no  objection  to  a  wit- 
ness, on  the  ground  of  his  or  her  religious  opinions,  shall 
be,  entertained  or  received. 

24.  The  citizena  shall  continue  to  enjoy  and  freely  ex- 
ercise all  the  rights  of  fishery,  and  privileges  of  the  shore, 
to  which  they  have  been  heretofore  entitled  under  the 
charter  and  usages  of  this  State. 

25.  The  enumeration  of  the  foregoing  rights  shall  not 
be  construed  to  impair  or  deny  others  retained  by  the 
people. 

ARTICLE  II. 

OF    ELECTOR.S    AND    THE    RIGHT    OP    SUFFRAGE. 

I.  Every  white  male  citizen  of  the  United  States,  of 
12 


134  APPENDIX. 

the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  has  resided  in  this 
Stftte  for  one  year,  and  in  any  town,  city,  or  district  of 
the  same  for  six  months,  rext  preceding  the  election  at  - 
which  he  offers  to  vote,  shall  be  an  elector  of  all  officers, 
who  are  elected,  or  may  herenfter  be  made  ^eligible  by 
the  People.  But  persons  in  the  military,  naval, or  marine 
service  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  considered  as 
having  such  established  residence,  by  being  stationed  in 
any  garrison,  barrack,  or  military  place,  in  any  town  or 
city  in  this  State. 

2.  Paupers  and  persons  under  guardianship,  insane,  or 
lunatic,  are  excluded  from  the  electoral  right;  and  the 
same  shall  be  forfeited  on  conviction  of  bribery,  forgery, 
perjury,  theft,  or  other  iniamous  crime,  and  shall  not  be 
restored  unless  by  an  act  of  the  General  Assembly. 

3.  No  person,  who  is  excluded  from  voting,  for  want 
of  the  qualification  first  named  in  section  first  of  this 
article,  shall  be  taxed,  or  be  liable  to  do  military  duty  ; 
provided  that  nothing  in  said  first  article  shall  be  so  con- 
strued as  to  exempt  from  taxation  any  property  or  persons 
now  liable  to  be  taxed. 

4.  No  elector  who  is  not  possessed  of,  and  assessed  for 
ratable  property,  in  his  own  right,  to  the  amount  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  or  who  shall  have  neglected,  or 
refused  to  pay  any  tax  assessed  upon  him,  in  any  town, 
city,  or  district,  for  one  year  preceding  the  town,  city, 
ward,  or  district  meeting,  at  which  he  shall  offer  to  vote, 
shall  be  entitled  to  vote  on  any  question  of  taxation,  or 
the  expenditure  of  any  public  moneys  in  such  town,  city, 
or  district,  until  the  same  be  paid. 

5.  In  the  city  of  Providence,  and  other  cities,  no  per- 
son shall  be  eligible  to  the  ofhce  of  mayor,  alderman,  or 
common  council  .man,  who  is  not  taxed,  or  who  shall 
have  neglected  or  refused  to  pay  his  tax,  as  provided  in 
the  preceding  section. 

6.  The  voting  for  all  officers  chosen  by  the  People, 
except  town  or  city  officers,  shall  be  by  ballot ;  that  is  to 
say,  by  depositing  a  written  or  printed  ticket  in  the  bal- 
lot box,  without  the  name  of  the  voter  written  tliereon. 
Town  or  city  officers  shall  be  chosen  by  ballot,  on  the 
demand  of  any  two  persons  entitled  to  vote  for  the  same. 


APPENDIX.  135 

7.  There  shall  be  a  strict  registration  of  ail  qualified 
voters  in  the  towns  and  cities  of  the  State;  and  no  per- 
son shall  be  permitted  to  vote,  whose  name  has  not 
been  entered  upon  the  list  of  voters  before  the  polls  are 
opened, 

8.  The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  all  necessary  laws 
for  the  prevention  of  fraudulent  voting  by  persons  not 
having  an  actual,  permanent  resid«iiice,  or  home,  in  the 
State,  or  otherwise  disqualified  according  to  this  Consti- 
tution ;  for  the  careful  registration  of  all  voters,  previ- 
ously to  the  time  of  voting;  for  the  prevention  of  frauds 
upon  the  ballot  box  ;  for  the  preservation  of  the  purity  of 
elections;  and  for  the  safe  keeping  and  accurate  count- 
ing of  the  votes ,  to  the  end  that  the  will  of  the  People 
may  be  freely  and  fully  expressed,  truly  ascertained,  and 
effectually  exerted,  without  intimidation,  suppression,  or 
unnecessary  delay.- 

9.  The  electors  shall  be  exempted  from  arrest  on  days 
of  election,  aiid  one  day  before,  and  one  day  after  the 
same,  except  in  cases  of  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the 
peace. 

10.  No  person  shall  be  eligible  to  any  office  by  the 
votes  of  the  People,  who  does  not  possess  the  qualifica- 
tions of  an  elector. 

ARTICLE  V.  ^ 

OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES. 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  consist  of  mem- 
bers chosen  by  the  electors  in  the  several  towns  and  cit- 
ies, in  their  respective  town  and  ward  meetings,  annu- 
ally. 

2.  The  Towns  and  Cities  shall  severally  be  entitled  to 
elect  members,  according  to  the  apportionment  which 
follows,  viz:  —  Newport  to  elect  five;  Warwick,  tour; 
Smithfield,  five;  Cumberland,  North  Providence  and 
Scituate,  three  ;  Portsmouth,  Westerly,  New  Shoreham, 
North  Kingstown,  South  Kingstown,  East  Greenwich, 
Glocester,  West  Greenwich,  Coventry,  Exeter,  Bristol, 
Tiverton,  Little  Compton,  Warren,  Richmond,  Cranston, 
Charlestown,  Hopkinton,  Johnston,  Foster  and  Burrill- 


136  APPENDIX. 

ville,  to  elect  two ;  and  Jamestown,  Middletown  and 
Barrington,  to  elect  one. 

3.  In  the  city  of  Providence  there  shall  be  six  Repre- 
sentative Districts,  which  shall  be  the  six  wards  of  said 
city.  And  the  electors  resident  ;n  said  districts,  for  the 
term  of  three  months,  next  preceding  the  election,  at 
which  they  offer  to  vote,  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  two 
Representatives  for^each  district. 

4.  The  General  Assembly,  in  case  of  great  inequality 
in  the  population  of  the  wards  of  the  city  of  Providence, 
may  cause  the  boundaries  of  the  six  Representative  dis- 
tricts therein  to  be  so  altered  as  to  include  in  each  dis- 
trict, as  nearly  as  may  be,  an  equal  number  of  inhabi- 
tants. 

5.  The  House. of  Representatives  shall  have  authority 
to  elect  their  own  Speaker,  clerks  and  other  officers. 
The  oath  of  office  shall  be  administered  to  the  Speaker 
by  the  Secretary  of  State,  or,  in  his  absence,  by  the  At- 
torney General. 

6.  Whenever  the  seat  of  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall  be  vacated  by  death,  resignation,  or 
otherwise,  the  vacancy  may  be  filled  by  a  new  election. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

OF      THE      SENATE. 

*  1.  The  State  shall  be  divided  into  twelve  Senatorial 
Districts ;  and  each  district  shall  be  entitled  to  one  Sen- 
ator, who  shall  be  annually  chosen  by  the  electors  in  his 
district. 

2.  The  first,  second  and  third  Representative  Districts 
in  the  City  of  Providence  shall  constitute  the  first  Sena- 
torial District;  the  fourth,  fifth  and  sixth  Representative 
Districts  in  said  City,  the  second  District ;  the  Town  of 
Smithfield,  the  third  District ;  the  Towns  of  North  Prov- 
idence and  Cumberland,  the  fourth  District ;  the  Towns 
of  Scituate,  Glocester,  Burrillville  and  Johnston,  the 
fifth  District ;  the  Towns  of  Warwick  and  Cranston,  the 
sixth  District;  the  Towns  of  East  Greenwich,  West 
Greenwich,  Coventry  and  Foster,  the  seventh  District; 
the  Towns  of  Newport,  Jamestown  and  New  Shoreham, 
the  eighth  District;  the  Towns  of  Portsmouth,  Middle- 


APPENDIX.  137 

town,  Tiverton  and  Little  Compton,  the  ninth  District; 
the  Towns  of  North  Kingstown  and  South  Kingstown, 
the  tenth  District ;  the  Towns  of  Westerly,  Charlestown, 
Exeter,  Richmond  and  Hopkinton,  the  eleventh  Dis- 
trict; the  Towns  of  Bristol,  Warren  and  Barrington,  the 
twelfth  District. 

3.  The  Lieutenant  Governor  shall  be,  by  virtue  of  his 
office,  President  of  the  Senate;  and  shall  have  a  right, 
in  case  of  an  equal  division,  to  vote  m  the  same;  and 
also  to  vote  in  joint  committee  of  the  two  Houses. 

4.  When  the  Government  shall  be  administered  by  the 
Lieutenant  Governor,  or  lie  shall  be  unable  to  attend  as 
President  of  the  Senate,  the  Senate  shall  elect  one  of 
their  own  members  President  of  the  same. 

5.  Vacancies  m  the  Senate,  occasioned  by  death, 
resignation,  or  otherwise,  may  be  filled  by  n  new  elec- 
tion. 

6.  The  Secretary  of  the  State  shall  be,  by  virtue  of 
his  office,  Secretary  of  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE   XIL 

AMENDMENTS. 

The  General  Assembly  may  propose  amendments  to 
this  Constitution  by  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  all  the 
members  elected  to  each  House,  Such  propositions 
shall  be  published  in  the  newspapers  of  the  State;  and 
printed  copies  of  said  propositions  shall  he  sent  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  with  the  names  of  all  the  members 
who  shall  have  voted  thereon,  with  the  yeas  and  nays,  to 
all  the  town  and  city  clerks  in  the  State;  and  the  said 
proposition  shall  be  by  said  clerks  inserted  in  the  notices, 
by  them  issued,  for  warning  the  next  annual  town  and 
ward  meetings  in  April,  and  the  town  and  ward  clerks 
shall  read  said  propositions  to  the  electors  when  thus  as- 
sembled, with  the  names  of  all  the  Representatives  and 
Senators  who  shall  have  voted  thereon,  with  the  yeas  and 
nays,  before  the  election  of  Representatives  and  Senators 
shall  be  had.  If  a  majority  of  all  the  members  elected 
at  said  annual  meetings,  present  in  each  House,  shall  ap- 
prove any  proposition  thus  made,  the  same  shall  be  pub- 
lished, as  before  provided,  and  then  sent  to  the  electors 
12* 


138  APPENDfX.* 

in  the  mode  provided  in  the  act  of  approval ;  and,if  the«T 
approved  by  a  majority  of  the  electors  who  shall  vote  in 
town  and  ward  meetings,  to  be  specially  convened  for 
that  purpose,  it  shall  become  a  part  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  State. 


The  following  extracts  embrace  the  principal  points  in 
dispute  in  the  Landholders'  Constitution,  between  the 
two  parties. 

We,  the  People  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations,  do  ordain  and  establish  this 
Constitution  for  the  government  thereof. 

ARTICLE  FIRST. 

DECLARATION  OF    CERTAIN    CONSTITUTIONAL    RIGHTS    ANX> 
PRINCIPLES. 

In  order  effectually  to  secure  the  religious  and  politi- 
cal freedom  established  here  by  our  venerated  ancestors, 
and  to  preserve  the  same  for  their  posterity,  we  do  declare 
that  the  inherent,  essential,  and  unquestionable  rights 
and  principles  hereinafter  mentioned,  among  others, 
shall  be  established,  maintained  and  preserved,  and  shall 
be  of  paramount  obligation  in  all  legislative,  judicial  and 
executive  proceedings. 

Section  1.  Every  person,  within  this  State,  ought  to 
find  a  certain  remedy,  by  having  recourse  to  the  laws, 
for  all  injuries  or  wrongs  which  he  may  receive  in  his 
person,  property  or  character.  He  ought  to  obtain  right 
and  juf<tice  freely,  and  without  being  obliged  to  purchase 
it,  comf>retely  and  williout  denial,  promptly  and  without 
delay  ;   conformably  to  the  laws. 

Sec.  2.  The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their 
persons,  papers  and  possessions,  against  unreasonable 
searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated  ;  and  no 
warrant  shall  issue,  but  on  complaint  in  writing,  upon 
probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and 
describing  as  nearly  as  may  be,  the  place  to  be  searched 
and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 


I 

APPENDIX.  139 

Set.  3.  No  person  shall  be  holden  to  answer  for  a 
capita!  or  other  infamous  crime,  unless  on  presentment 
or  indictment  by  a  grand  jury,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment, or  such  offences  as  are  usually  cognizable 
by  a  justice  of  the  peace  ;  or  in  cases  arising  in  the 
land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual 
service  in  ti.ne  of  war  or  public  danger.  No  person 
shall  be  tried,  after  an  acquittal,  for  the  same  offence. 

Sec.  4.  Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  ex- 
cessive fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  punishments  inflicted  j 
and  all  punishments  ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the 
offence. 

Sec.  5.  All  persons  imprisoned  ought  to  be  bailable  by 
sufficient  sureties,  unless,  for  capital  offences,  when  the 
proof  is  evident,  or  the  presumption  great.  The  privilege 
of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  suspended,  un- 
less when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public 
safety  shall  require  it ;  nor  then  without  the  authority 
of  the  General  Assembly. 

Sec.  6.  In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall 
enjoy  the  privilege  of  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an 
impartial  jury  ;  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause 
of  the  accusation,  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
against  him,  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining 
them  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel 
in  his  defence,  and  be  at  liberty  to  speak  for  himself; 
nor  shall  he  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property,  un- 
less by  the  judgment  of  his  peers,  or  the  law  of  the  land. 

Sec.  7.  The  person  of  a  debtor,  where  there  is  not 
strong  presumption  of  fraud,  ought  not  to  be  continued 
in  prison,  after  he  shall  have  delivered  up  his  property 
for  the  benefit  of  his  creditors,  in  such  manner  as  shall 
be  prescribed  by  law. 

Sec.  8.  No  ex  post  fiiclo  law,  or  law  impairing  the 
obligation  of  contracts,  shall  be  made. 

Sec.  9.  No  man  in  a  court  of  common  law  shall  be 
compelled  to  give  evidence  criminating  himself. 

Sec.  10.  Every  man  being  presumed  innocent,  until 
pronounced  guilty  by  the  law,  all  acts  of  severity,  that 
are  not  necessary  to  secure  an  accused,  person,  shall  be 
repressed. 


140  Appendix.  ^ 

Sec.  11.  The  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  remain  in- 
violate. 

Sec.  12.  Private  property  shall  not  be  taken  for  pub- 
lic uses,  without  just  compensation. 

Sec.  13.  The  citizens  shall  continue  to  enjoy  and 
freely  exercise  the  rights  of  fishery,  and  all  other  rights 
to  which  they  have  been  heretofore  entitled  under  the 
charter  of  this  State,  except  as  is  herein  otherwise  pro- 
vided. 

Sec.  14.  The  military  shall  always  be  held  in  strict 
subordination  to  the  civil  authority. 

Sec.  15.  No  soldier,  shall  in  time  of  peace,  be  quar- 
tered in  any  house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner ; 
nor,  in  time  of  war,  but  in  manner  prescribed  by  law. 

Sec.  16.  The  liberty  of  the  press  being  essential  to 
the  security  of  freedom  in  a  State,  any  person  may  pub- 
lish his  sentiments  on  any  subject,  being  responsible  for 
the  abuse  of  that  liberty  ;  and  in  all  trials  for  libel,  both 
civil  and  criminal,  the  truth,  unless  published  from  ma- 
licious motives,  shall  be  a  sufficient  defence  to  the  person 
charged. 

Sec.  17^  The  citizens  have  a  right  in  a  peaceable 
manner  to  assemble  for  their  common  good,  and  to  ap- 
ply to  those  invested  with  the  powers  of  Government,  for 
redress  of  grievances,  or  other  purposes,  by  petition,  ad- 
dress or  remonstrance. 

Sec.  18.  The  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear 
arras,  shall  not  be  infringed. 

Sec.  19.  Slaver^  shall   not  be  tolerated  in  this  State. 

Sec.  20.  Whereas  Almighty  God  hath  created  the 
mind  free-:  and  all  attempts  to  influence  it,  by  temporal 
punishments  or  burthens,  or  by  civil  incapacitations, 
tend  to  beget  habits  of  hypocrisy  and  meanness;  and 
whereas  a  principal  object  of  our  venerable  ancestors, 
in  their  migrations  to  ihis  country,  and  their  settlement 
of  this  State,  was,  as  they  expressed  it,  to  hold  forth  a 
lively  experiment,  that  a  flourishing  civil  state,  may 
stand,  and  be  best  maintained,  with  full  liberty  in  relig- 
ious concernments  ;  We  therefore  declare  that  no  man 
shall  be  compelled  to  frequent  or  support  any  religious 
worship,  place  or  ministry  whatever ;  nor  enforced,  re- 


APPENDIX.  141 

Strained,  molested  or  burthened  in  his  body  or  goods  ; 
nor  disqualified  from  holding  any  office  ;  nor  otherwise 
suffer,  on  account  of  his  religious  belief.  And  that  all 
men  shall  be  free  to  profess,  and  by  argument  to  main- 
tain their  opinion  in  matters  of  religion ;  and  that  the 
same  shall  in  no  wise  diminish,  enlarge  or  affect  their 
civil  capacities. 

Sec.  21.  The  enumeration  of  the  foregoing  rights 
shall  not  be  construed  to  impair  or  deny  others  retained 
by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  SECOND. 

OF  THE  RIGHT  OF  SUFFRAGE. 

Section.  1.  Every  person  who  is  now  a  freeman  and 
qualified  voter  shall  continue  to  be  so,  so  long  as  he  re- 
tains the  qualifications  upon  which  he  was  admitted. 

Sec.  2.  Hereafter,  every  white  male  native  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  or  any  territory  thereof,  of  the  full 
age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  shall  have  had  his  actual 
permanent  residence  and  home  in  this  State,  for  the 
period  of  one  year,  and  in  the  town  or  city  in  which  he 
may  claim  a  right  to  vote,  six  months  next  preceding 
the  time  of  voting,  and  shall  be  seized  in  his  own  right, 
of  a  freehold  real  estate  in  such  town  or  city,  of  the 
value,  at  least,  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars, 
over  and  above  all  incumbrances,  shall  therefrom  have 
a  right  to  vote  in  the  election  of  all  civil  officers,  and 
on  all  questions  in  all  legal  town  or  ward  meetings. 

Sec.  3.  Every  white  male  native  citizen  of  the  United 
States  or  any  territory  thereof,  of  the  full  age  of  twenty- 
one  years,  who  shall  have  had  his  actual  permanent  resi- 
dence and  home  in  this  State  for  the  period  of  two  years, 
and  in  the  town  or  city,  in  which  he  may  claim  a  right 
to  vote,  six  months,  next  preceding  the  time  of  voting, 
shall  have  a  right  to  vote  in  the  election  of  all  civil  offi- 
cers, and  on  all  questions,  in  all  legal  town  or  ward 
meetings  :  Provided  hotoever,  that  no  person  who  is  not 
now  a  freeman,  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  upon  any  motion 
to  impose  a. tax,  or  incur  expenditures,  in  any  town  or 
city,  unless  he  possess  the  freehold  qualification  req.uired 
by  this  article  ;  or  shall  have   been   taxed  on  property 


142  APPENDIX. 

valued,  at  least,  at  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  within 
one  year  from  the  time  he. may  offer  to  vote,  and  shall 
have  paid  such  tax  in  said  town  or  city. 

Sec.  4.  Any  white  male  native  of  any  foreign  country 
of  the  full  age  of  twenty-one  years,  naturalized  in  the 
United  States  according  to  law,  who  shall  have  had  his 
actual  permanent  residence  and  home  in  this  state  for 
the  period  of  three  years  after  his  naturalization,  and  in 
the  town  or  city  in  which  he  may  claim  a  right  to  vote 
six  mouths  next  preceding  the  time  of  voting,  and  shall 
be  seized  in  his  own  right,  of  a  freehold  real  estate,  in 
such  town  or  city,  of  the  value,  at  least,  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty-four  dollars,  over  and  above  all  incumbrances, 
shall,  there  from,  have  a  rierht  to  vote  in  the  election  of 
all  civil  officers,  and  in  all  questions  in  all  town  or  ward 
meetings.  But  no  person  in  the  military,  naval,  marine, 
or  any  other  service  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  con- 
sidered as  having  the  required  residences  by  reason  of 
being  employed  in  any  garrison,  barrack,  or  military  or 
naval  station  in  this  State.  And  no  pauper,  lunatic,  or 
person  non  compos  mentis,  or  under  guardianship,  shall 
be  permitted  to  vote  ;  nor  shall  any  person  convicted  of 
any  crime,  deemed  infamous  at  common  law,  be  permit- 
ted to  exercise  that  privilege,  until  he  be  restored  thereto 
by  the  General  Assembly.  Persons  residing  on  land 
ceded  by  this  State  to  the  United  States  shall  not  be  en- 
tilled  to  exercise  the  privilege  of  electors  during  such 
residence. 

Sec.  5.  The  General  Assembly  shall,  as  soon  as  may 
be  after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  provide  for 
the  registration  of  voters  ;  and  shall  also  have  full  power 
generally  to  enact  all  laws  necessary  to  carry  this  article 
into  effect,  and  to  prevent  abuse  and  fraud  in  voting. 

Sec.  6.  All  persons  entitled  to  vote  shall  be  protected 
from  arrest  in  civil  cases,  on  the  days  of  election,  and 
on  the  day  preceding,  and  the  day  following  an  election. 

Sec.  7.  In  the  city  of  Providence  and  all  other  cities 
no  person  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  mayor,  alder- 
man, or  common  councilman,  who  is  not  qualified  to 
vote  upon  a  motion  to  impose  a  tax  or  incur  expendi- 
tures as  herein  provided. 


APPENDIX.  143 

Sec.  8.  The  General  Assembly  shall  have  power  to 
provide,  by  special  or  general  laws,  for  the  admission  of 
any  native  male  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or  any 
territory,  who  shall  have  had  his  permanent  residence 
and  home  in  this  State  for  two  years,  but  who  is  not 
otherwise  qualified  under  this  article,  to  vote  on  such 
conditions  as  they  may  deem  proper,  except  for  taxes 
and  expenditures. 

ARTICLE  FIFTH. 

OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATITES. 

Section  1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  con- 
sist of  members  elected  by  the  Electors  of  the  several 
towns  and  cities  in  the  respective  town  and  ward  meet- 
ings. Each  town  or  city  having  four  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, and  under  six  thousand  five  hundred,  shall  be  en- 
titled to  elect  three  Representatives;  each  town  or  city 
having  six  thousand  five  hundred  inhabitants,  and  under 
ten  thousand,  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  four  Representa- 
tives ;  each  town  or  city  having  ten  thousand  inhabitants, 
and  under  fourteen  thousand,  shall  be  entitled  to  elect 
five  Representatives ;  each  town  or  city  having  fourteen 
thousand  inhabitants,  and  under  eighteen  thousand,  shall 
be  entitled  to  elect  six  Representatives  ;  each  town  or 
city  having  eighteen  thousand  inhabitants,  and  under 
twenty-one  ihonsand,  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  seven 
Representatives;  each  town  or  city  having  over  twenty 
one  thousand  inhabitants,  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  eight 
Representatives.  But  no  town  or  city  shall  be  entitled 
to  elect  more  than  eight  Representatives;  and  every 
town  or  city  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  two.  The  Repre- 
sentation of  the  several  towns  and  cities  in  this  State 
shall  be  apportioned  agreeable  to  the  last  census  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  preceding  the  election. 

Sec.  2.  The  House  of  Representatives  shaU  have  au- 
thority to  elect  its  Speaker,  Clerks,  and  other  officers. 
The  oath  of  office  shall  be  administered  by  the  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  or  in  his  absence,  by  the  Attorney  General. 
The  Clerks  shall  be  engaged  by  .the  Speaker. 

Sec.  3.  Whenever  the  seat  of  a  member  of  the  House 


144  APPENDIX. 

of  Representatives  shall  be  vacated  by  death,  resignation, 
or  otherwise,  the  vacancy  may  be  filled  by  a  new  elec- 
tion. 

Sec.  4.  The  senior  member  from  the  town  of  New- 
port, present,  shall  preside  in  the  organization  of  the 
House. 

ARTICLE  SIXTH. 

OF  THE   SENATE. 

Section.  I.  The  Senate  shall  consist  of  nineteen*  mem- 
bers, to  be  chosen  annually  by  the  majority  of  electors, 
by  districts.  The  State  shall  be  divided  into  sixteen 
districts,  as  follows  : 

First.  The  town  of  Newport  shall  constitute  the  first 
Senatorial  district,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  two 
Senators. 

Second.  The  towns  of  Portsmouth,  Middletown, 
Tiverton,,  Little  Compton,  New  Shoreham,  and  James- 
town shall  constitute  the  second  Senatorial  district,  and 
shall  be  entitled  to  elect  two  Senators. 

Third.  The  City  of  Providence,  shall  constitute  the 
third  Senatorial  district,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect 
two  Senators. 

Fourth.  The  town  of  Smithfield  shall  constitute  the 
fourth  Senatorial  district,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect 
one  Senator. 

Fifth.  The  towns  of  Cumberland  and  North  Provi- 
dence, shall  constitute  the  fifth  Senatorial  district,  and 
shall  be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator. 

Sixtn.  The  towns  of  Scituate,  Cranston,  and  Johns- 
ton, shall  constitute  the  sixth  Senatorial  district,  and 
shall  be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator. 

Seventh.  The  towns  of  Glocester,  Foster  and  Bur- 
rillville,  shall  constitute  the  seventh  Senatorial  district 
-and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator. 

Eighth.  The  town  of  South  Kingstown,  shall  consti- 
tute the  eighth  Senatorial  district  and  shall  be  entitled 
to  elect  one  Senator. 

Ninth.  The  towns  .of  Westerly  and  Charlestown 
shall  constitute  the  ninth  Senatorial   district,  and  shall 


APPENDIX,  145 

be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator.  Tenth.  The  towns 
ot  Hopkinton  and  Richmond,  shall  constitute  the  tenth 
Senatorial  district,  and  shall  beentitled  to  elect  one  Sen- 
ator. 

Eleventh.  The  towns  of  North  Kingstown  and  Exeter 
shall  constitute  the  eleventh  Senatorial  district,  and  shall 
be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator. 

Twelfth.  The  town  of  Bristol  shall  constitute  the 
twelfth  Senatorial  district,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect 
one  Senator. 

Thirteenth.  The  towns  of  Warren  and  Barrington 
shall  constitute  the  thirteenth  Senatorial  district,  and 
shall  be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator.    ' 

Fourteenth.  The  towns  of  East  Greenwich  and  West 
Greenwich  shall  constitute  the  fourteenth  Senatorial  dis- 
trict, and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect  one  Senator. 

Fifteenth.  The  town  of  Coventry  shall  constitute  the 
fifteenth  Senatorial  district,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect 
one  Senator. 

Sixteenth.  The  town  of  Warwick  shall  constitute  the 
sixteenth  Senatorial  district,  and  shall  be  entitled  to  elect 
one  Senator. 

And  no  more  than  one  Senator  shall  be  elected  from 
any  town  for  the  same  term,  in  the  second  senatorial 
district. 

Sec.  2.  The  Lieutenant  Governor  shall  ex-officio  be  a 
member  of  the  Senate. 

The  Secretary  ot  Stale  shall  be  by  virtue  of  his  office 
Secretary  of  the  Senate,  unless  otherwise  provided  by 
law,  and  the  Senate  may  elect  such  other  officers  as  they 
may  deem  necessary. 

Sec.  3.  If,  by  reason  of  death,  resignation,  or  absence 
there  be  no  Governor  or  Lieutenant  Governor  present,  to 
preside  in  the  Senate,  the  Senate  shall  elect  one  of  their 
own  number  to  preside,  until  the  Governor  or  Lieutenant 
Governor  returns,  or  until  one  of  said  offices  is  filled 
according  to  this  Constitution,  and  until  such  election  is 
made  by  the  Senate,  the  Secretary  of  State  shall  preside. 

13 


146  APPENDIX. 

ARTICLE  THIRTEENTH. 

OF  AMENDMENTS. 

The  General  Assembly  may  propose  amendments  to 
this  Constitution  by  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  all  the 
members  elected  to  each  House.  Such  propositions 
shall  T)e  published  in  the  newspapers,  and  printed  copies 
of  said  propositions  shall  be  sent  by  the  Secretary  of 
State,  with  the  names  of  all  the  members  who  shall  have 
voted  thereon,  with  the  yeas  and  nays,  to  all  the  town 
and  city  clerks  in  the  State ;  and  the  said  propositions 
shall  be,  by  said  Clerks,  inserted  in  the  warrants  or 
notices  by  them  issued,  for  warning  the  next  annual, 
town  and  ward  meetings  in  April  ;  and  the  Clerks  shall 
read  said  propositions  to  the  Electors  when  thus  assem- 
bled, with  the  names  of  all  the  Representatives  and  Sen- 
ators who  shall  have  voted  thereon,  with  the  yeas  and 
nays,  before  the  election  of  Representatives  and  Senators 
shall  be  had.  If  a  majority  of  all  the  members  elected 
to  each  House,  at  said  annual  meeting,  shall  appjove  any 
proposition  thus  made,  the  same  shall  be  published  and 
sent  to  the  electors  in  the  mode  provided  in  the  act  of 
approval;  and  if  then  approved  by  three*  fifths  Oi  the 
electors  of  the  State  present,  and  voting  thereon  in  toivn 
and  ward  meetings,  it  shall  become  a  part  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  State. 


The  following  resolutions  were  adopted  at  a  meeting 
of  the  Ultra  Suffrage  party,  held  on  the  Court  House 
Parade,  Providence,  on  Thursday  afternoon.  May  12th, 
1842. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  submit  to  no  compromise  that 
has  not  for  its  basis  an  acknowledginent  that  the  ultimate 
source  of  all  political  and  sovereign  power  [rests*]  in  the 
whole  male  citizens  of  the  State;  and  that  no  action  of 
the  legislative  authority  is,  or  of  right  can  be,  necessary 

*  In  the  published  copies,  ^'■does  not  rest/' 


APPENDIX.  147 

to  say  when  or  how  that  ultimate  sovereign  power  may 
be  exercised. 

Resoleed,  That  we  will  maintain  these  principles,  as 
those  purchased  with  the  blood  and  counsels  of  our  fath- 
ers of  '76,  to  the  last. 

Resolved,  That  we  believe  the  intent  for  which  the 
Algerine  Law  was  enacted,  was  to  provoke  an  outbreak; 
and  that  all  action  of  the  Tyrants  under  it,  has  been  to 
seek  to  spill  the  blood  of  the  people.  That  we  regard 
said  law  as  a  tyrannical  act  of  an  expiring  despotism, 
designed  to  guard  and  sacrifice  the  people,  and  in  fine, 
that  it  is  an  avowed,  an  open  declaration  of  war.* 

Resolved,  That  should  another  attempt  be  made  to 
arrest  an  individual  under  that  law,  we  hereby  pledge 
ourselves,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  to  shield  such 
person  from  arrest ;  and  if  arrested,  or  kidnapped,  to 
rescue  him  from  the  demon  who  may  pretend  to  hold 
him  in  custody,  and  to  immediately  visit  such  retributive 
justicef  to  the  offenders,  as  the  enormity  of  their  crimes 
may  demand. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  support,  protect,  and  defend 
Gov.  Thomas  W.  Dorr,  to  the  last  — that  we  will  neither 
surrender  him  to  the  malice  of  his  opponents,  nor  will 
we  ever  forget  the  firmness  and  wisdonj,  as  well  as  the 
moderation,  which  has  marked  his  bearing  to  us  and  his 
opponents,  during  all  this  excited  war  for  liberty. 


Copy  of  the  Peiition  of  Elisha  Dillingham  and  about 
six  hundred  others,  presented  to  the  General  Assem- 
bly, at  the  January  session,  1841. 

To  the  Hon.  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Rhode 
Island. 

The  undersigned,  inhabitants  and  citizens  of  the  State 

*It  will  be  recollected  that  the  Suffrage  party  bad  already  re- 
jected a  Constitution  providing  for  a  more  extended  suffrage  than 
they  had  ever  demanded. 

t  By  the  intelligent  mind,  it  may  readily  be  conjectured  what 


IMMEDIATE  ^^  retributive  justice^  was  intended 


148  APPENDIX. 

of  Rhode  Island,  would  respectfully  represent  to  your 
Honorable  Body,  that  they  conceive  that  the  dignity  of 
the  State  would  be  advanced,  and  the  liberties  of  the 
citizen  better  secured,  by  the  abrogation  of  the  Charter 
granted  unto  this  State  by  King  Charles  the  Second  of 
England,  and  by  the  establishment  of  a  Constitution 
which  should  more  effectually  define  the  authority  of  the 
Executive  and  Legislative  branches,  and  more  strongly 
recognize  the  rights  of  the  citizens.  Your  petitioners 
would  not  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting  to  your  Honor- 
able Body,  any  course  which  should  be  pursued,  but 
would  leave  the  whole  affair  in  your  hands,  trusting  to 
the  good  sense  and  discretion  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Your  petitioners  would  farther  represent  to  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  that  they  conceive  that  an  extension  of 
suffrage,  to  a  greater  portion  of  the  white  male  residents 
of  the  State,  would  be  more  in  accordance  with  the 
spirit  of  our  institutions,  than  the  present  system  of  the 
State;   and  for  such  an  extension  they  ask. 

Your  petitioners  would  not  suggest  any  system  of 
suffrage,  but  would  leave  the  matter  to  the  wisdom  of  the 
General  Assembly. 

Upon  both  the  prayers  of  your  petitioners,  they  would 
ask   the  immediate  and  efficient  action  of  the  General 
Assembly,  and  as  in  duty  bound  will  ever  pray. 
Signed  by  ELISHA  DILLINGHAM,  and  about  580 

others. 


I 


The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  doings  of  the  General 
Assembly,  at  the  above  session,  relative  to  a  Convention. 

At  the  January  session  of  the  General  Assembly,  1841, 
a  memorial  from  the  town  of  Smithfield,  was  referred  to 
a  select  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  of 
which  the  Hon.  Asher  Robbins  was  chairman,  who,  in 
behalf  of  said  committee,  reported  as  follows: 

"  The  select  committee  to  whom  was  referred  the  me- 
morial of  the  town  of  Smithfield,  praying  this  General 
Assembly  to  take  the  subject  of  the  extreme  inequality 
of  the  present  representation  from  the  several  towns  un- 
der consideration,  and  in  such  manner  as  seems  most 


APPENDIX.  149 

practicable  and  just  to  correct  the  evil  complained  of," 
have  had  the  same  under  consideration,  and  the  commit- 
tee believing  that  the  regular  and  rightful  way  of  obtain- 
ing the  object  prayed  for,  is  by  a  convention  of  the  free- 
men of  the  State,  acting  in  their  sovereign  capacity  on 
the  subject,  report  the  following  resolution  for  adoption  : 

Resolved,  by  the  General  Assembly,  (the  Senate  con- 
curring with  the  House  of  Representatives  therein,)  that 
it  be  recommended  to  the  freemen  of  the  State  at  the 
several  town  meetings  in  April,  to  instruct  their  Repre- 
sentatives as  to  their  wishes  for  a  State  Convention  to 
frame  a  new  Constitution  for  this  State,  in  whole  or  in 
part,  with  full  power  lor  that  purpose." 

After  some  remarks  from  several  members,  on  motion 
of  Mr.  Robbing,  on  the  fifth  of  February,  1841,  this  res- 
olution was  recommitted  to  report  in, the  morning,  and 
the'report  was  made  the  order  of  the  day  for  the  mor- 
row. On  the  next  day  the  memorinl  of  the  town  of 
Smithfield  was  taken  up,  and  the  resolution  as  amended 
by  the  committee,  and  after  considerable  debate  on  the 
question,  whether  the  freemen  should  be  called  upon  first 
to  instruct  their  Representatives  on  the  subject  of  call- 
ing a  convention,  or  whether  the  General  Assembly 
should  pass  a  bill  as  heretofore  immediately  for  callincr  a 
Convention — the  latter  course  was  adopted.  Resolutions 
were  then  passed  by  this  General  Assembly,  requesting 
the  freemen  to  choose,  in  August,  delegates  to  attend  a 
Convention  to  be  holden  at  Providence,  on  the  first  Mon- 
day of  November,  A.  D.  1841,  to  frame  a  new  Constitu- 
tion for  this  State,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  with  full 
power  for  this  purpose,  and  if  only  for  a  Constitution  in 
part,  that  said  Convention  have  under  their  especial  con- 
sideration the  expediency  of  equalizing  the  representa- 
tions of  the  towns  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 


4 


The  following  are  the  Resolutions,  together  with  what 
its  opponents  call  the  "  Algerine  Law,"  passed  by  the 
13* 


150  APPENDIX. 

General  Assembly  at  the  (extra)  session,  March, 
1842. 

Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  be  re- 
quested to  issue  his  proclamation  to  the  good  people  of 
this  State,  exiiorting  them  to  give  no  aid  or  countenance 
to  those  who,  in  violation  of  the  law,  may  attempt  to  set 
up  a  government  in  opposition  to  the  existing  govern- 
ment of  this  State,  and  calling  upon  them  to  support  the 
constituted  authorities  for  the  preservation  of  the  public 
peace,  and  the  execution  of  those  laws  on  which  the  se- 
curity of  all  depends. 

Resolved,  That  the  report,  and  the  act  accompanying 
be  published  in  all  the  newspapers  in  this  state,  that 
^  copies  be  printed  in  pamphlet  form,  and 
that  the  Secretary  of  State  cause  the  same  to  be  forth- 
with distributed  in  the  several  towns  of  this  state  and  the 
city  of  Providence,  and  that  copies  of- the 

same  be  sent  to  the  Governors  of  each  state,  and  a  copy 
each  to  tiie  President,  Vice  President,  members  of  the 
Cabinet,  Senators  and  members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives ol  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  be,  and  he  is  hereby 
authorized  to  adopt  such  measures  as  in  his  opinion  may 
be  necessary  in  the  recess  ol  this  legislature,  to  execute 
the  laws  and  preserve  the  state  from  domestic  violence, 
and  thiit  lie  be,  and  is  hereby  authorized  to  draw  on  the 
General  Treasurer  ior  such  sums  as  may  be  required  for 
these  purposes. 

AN  ACT  hi  relation  to  offences  against  the  Sovereign 
power  of  this  State. 
Whereas,  in  a  free  government  it  is  especially  neces- 
sary that  the  duties  of  the  citizen  to  the  constituted  au- 
thorities should  be  plainly  defined,  so  that  none  may  con- 
found our  regulated  American  liberty  with  unbridled 
license;  and  wheieas,  certain  artful  and  ill-di^posed  per- 
sons, have  for  some  time  past,  been  busy  witli  false  pre- 
tences amongst  the  good  people  of  this  state,  and  have 
formed  and  are  now  endeavoring  to  carry  through  a  plan 
for  the  subversion  of  our  government  under  assumed 
forms  of  law,  but  in  plain  violation  of  the  first  principles 


APPENDIX.  151 

of  constitutional  right,  and  many  have  been  deceived 
thereby  :  and  whereas  this  General  Assembly  at  the  same 
time  that  it  is  desirous  to  awaken  the  honest  and  well 
meaning  to  a  sense  ot  their  duty,  is  resolved  by  all  neces- 
sary means  to  guard  the  safely  and  honor  of  the  state, 
and  overlooking  what  is  past,  to  punish  such  evil  doers 
in  future,  in  a  manner  due  to  their  offences  : 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  Assembly  as  follows  : 

Section  1.  All  town,  ward  or  other  meetings  of  the 
freemen,  inhabitants  or  residents  of  this  state,  or  of  any 
portion  of  the  same,  for  the  election  ot  any  town,  county 
or  state  officer  or  officers,  called  or  held  in  any  town, 
of  this  state  or  in  the  city  of  Providence,  except  in  the  man- 
ner, for  the  purposes,  at  the  times,  and  by  the  freemen  by 
law  prescribed,  are  illegal  and  void  :  and  that  any  person 
or  persons  who  shall  act  as  moderator  or  moderators,  war- 
den or  wardens,  clerk^^or  clerks,  in  such  pretended  town, 
ward  or  other  meetings  hereafter  to  be  held,  or  in  any  name 
or  manner  receive,  record,  or  certify  votes  for  the  election 
of  any  pretended  town,  county  or  state  officers,  shall 
be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  be  punished  by 
indictment  with  a  fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand  nor 
less  than  five  hundred  dollars,  and  be  imprisoned  for  the 
term  of  six  months :  Provided  however,  that  this  act  is 
not  intended  to  apply  to  cases,  in  which,  by  accident  or 
mistake,  some  prescribed  form  or  forms  of  calling  town 
or  ward  meetings  of  thS  freemen  of  the  several  towns  of 
this  State,  and  of  the  city  of  Providence,  shall  be  omit- 
ted or  overlooked. 

Sec.  2.  Any  person  or  persons  who  shall  in  any  man- 
ner signify  that  he  or  they  will  accept  any  excutive, 
legislative,  judicial  or  ministerial  office  or  offices,  by  vir- 
tue of  any  such  pretended  election  in  any  such  pretended 
town,  ward  or  other  meeting  or  meetings,  or  shall  know- 
ingly suffer  or  permit  his  or  their  name  or  names,  to  be 
used  as  a  candidate  or  candidates  therefor,  shall  be  ad- 
judged guilty  of  a  high  crime  and  misdemeanor,  and  be 
punished  by  indictment  in  a  fine  of  two  thousand  dollars, 
and  be  imprisoned  for  the  term  of  one  year. 

Sec.  3.  If  any  person  or  persons,  except  such  as  are 


152  APPENLIX. 

duly  elected  thereto,  according  to  the  laws  of  this  State, 
shall  under  any  pretended  constitution  of  government  for 
this  State,  or  otherwise,  assume  to  exercise  any  of  the 
Legislative,  ExecuMve  or  ministerial  functions  of  the 
offices  of  Governor,  Lieutenant-Governor,  Senators,  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives,  Secretary  of 
State,  Attorney  General,  or  General  Treasurer  of  this 
State,  or  within  the  territorial  limits  of  the  same,  as  the 
same  are  now  actually  held  and  enjoyed,  either  sepa- 
rately or  collectively,  or  shall  assemble  for  the  purpose  of 
exercising  any  of  said  functions,  all  and  every  such  ex- 
ercise of,  or  meeting  for  the  purpose  of  exercising  all, 
any,  or  either  of  said  functions,  shall  be  deemed  and 
taken  to  be  a  usurpation  of  the  sovereign  power  of  this 
State,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be  treason  against  the 
State,  and  shall  be  punished  by  imprisonment  during 
life,  as  is  now  by  law  prescribed. 

Sec.  4.  All  offences  under  this  act  shall-  be  triable 
before  the  supreme  Judicial  Court  only.  Any  person  or 
persons  arrested  under  the  same,  and  also  for  treason 
against  the  state,  may  be  imprisoned  or  held  in  custody 
for  trial  in  the  jail  of  such  county  of  the  state  as  the 
Judge  or  Justice  issuing  the  warrant  may  order  or  direct; 
and  the  sheriff  or  other  officer  charged  with  the  service  ol 
such  warrant,  shall,  without  regard  to  his  precinct,  have 
full  power  and  authority  to  take  such  person  or  persons 
and  him  or  them  to  commit  to  any  county  jail  in  this 
state,  which  may  be  designated  by  such  Judge  or  Justice; 
and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  sheriffs,  deputy  sheriffs, 
town  sergeants,  constables  and  jailers  to  govern  them- 
selves accordingly.  All  indictments  under  this  act,  and 
also  all  indictments  for  treason  against  this  state,  may 
be  preferred  and  found  in  any  county  of  this  state,  with- 
out regard  to  the  county  in  which  the  offence  was  com- 
mitted ;  and  the  supreme  Judicial  Court  shall  have  full 
power  for  good  cause,  from  time  to  time,  to  remove  for 
trial  any  indictment  which  may  be  found  under  this  act 
or  for  treason  against  the  state,  to  such  county  of  the 
state,  as  they  shall  deem  best  for  the  purpose  of  ensur- 
ing a  fair  trial  of  the  same,  and  shall  upon  the  conviction 
of  any  such  offender  or  offenders,  have  full  power  to  or- 


APPENDIX.  153 

der,  and  from  time  to  alter  the  place  of  imprisonment  of 
such  offender  or  offenders  to  such  county  jail  within  this 
state  or  to  the  state  prison  as  to  them  shall  seem  best  for 
the  safe  custody  of  such  offender  or  offenders,  any  act, 
law,  or  usage  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 


The  following  Companies  were  formed  into  a  Reg- 
iment,  and   marched   for   Chepachet,  via  Greenville, 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Wm.  W.  Brown, 
Bristol  Artillery,  Lt.  Col.  Taylor,  184 

Prov.  Marine  Artillery,  Lt.  Col.  Nightingale,  74 

Prov.  1st.  Lt.  Infantry,  Lt.  Barber,  67 

Newport  Volunteers,  Capt.  Vars,  36 

"  "  Capt.  Swan^  40 

Middletown  Volunteers,  Capt.  Greene,  48 

Barrington  Volunteers,  Capt.  Humphrey,  32 

Jamestown  Volunteers,  Capt.  Childs,  15 

496 

The  following  force  was  posted   at  Woonsocket, 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Josiah  Martin. 
Prov.  National  Cadets,  Lt.  Bourn,  ,  92 

Prov.  Sea  Fencibles,  Capt.  Mauran,  65 

City  Guards  [detachment]  under  Capt.  Olncy,      108 
Johnston  Volunteers,  Col.  Tripp,  70 

Woonsocket  Volunteers,  Capt.  Passmore,  70 

405 

The  following  force  marched  to  Chepachet,  by  the 
way  of  Scituate,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Swan. 
Newport  Artillery,  Lt.  Col.  Taylor,  132 


154  APPENDIX 

Warren  Artillery,  Capt.  Pearce,  84 

Warren  Infantry,  Capt.  Fessenden,  120 

336 

This  whole  force  amounted  to  1237. 

The  Third  Brigaiie,  under  the  command  of  Gen. 
John  B.  Stedman*  was  composed  of  regiments  and 
and  portions  of  regiments,  and  voluuteers,  as  follows. 

Third  Reg.  Col.  Jon.  R.  Wells  —  1st  Comp.  in 
Westerly,  Capt.  J.  H.  Perego — 2nd  Comp.  in  West- 
erly, Capt.  Clarke  J.  Champlin —  1st  Com.  in  Hop- 
kinton,  Lieut.  Com.  Daniel  Langworthy  —  3rd  Comp. 
in  Hopkinlon,.  Capt.  Ihomas  P.  Dyer  —  2nd  Comp. 
in  Charlestown,  Capt.  Daniel  W.  Wright. 
116  Rank  and  File. 

Eighth  Reg.  Lt.  Col.  Com.  Warren  D-  Lilllbridge, 
1st.  Comp.  in  Exeter,  Capt.  Joseph  W.  Hill  —  2nd 
comp.  in  Exeter,  Ensign  Com.  Jesse  C.  Hall  —  3rd 
Comp.  in  Exeter,  Capt.  Amos  R.  Barber — 1st. 
Comp.  in  N.  Kingstown,  Capt.  Benj.  T.  Watson  — 
3rd.  Comp.  in  N.  Kingstown,  Capt.  Olney  T.  Chad- 
sey.  140  Rank  and  File. 

Eleventh  Reg.  Col.  Thomas  T.  Hoxsie  —  1st. 
Comp.  in  S,  Kingstown,  Capt.  Silas  U.  Perry  —  3rd 
Comp.  in  S.  Kingstown,  Lieut.  Com.  Joseph  Sher- 
man—  1st.  Comp.  in  Richmond,  Lieut.  Com.  Benj. 
H.  Reynolds  —  2nd.  Comp.  in  Richmond,  Capt. 
Horace  Greene  —  Washington  Grenadiers,  S.  Kings- 
town, Capt.  Gideon  Grinman. 

*  69  Rank  and  File. 


APPENDIX.  ■  155 

The  whole  number,  rank  and  file,  by  the  above 
return  appears  to  have  been  329,  who  were  regularly 
mustered  into  the  service.  But,  in  addition  to  these, 
were  about  250  volunteers,  which  increased  the  num- 
ber to  somewhere  near  600. 

The  Volunteer  Police  Corps  in  the  City  of  Provi- 
dence, as  before  noticed,  were  organized  under  the 
name  of  City  Guards.  They  constituted  a  regiment 
under  the  command  of  CoF.  Wm.  W.  Brown,  for  the 
protection  and  defenqe  of  the  city,  subject  to  the  or- 
ders of  the  Mayor.  A  great  many  of  the  members 
were  exempted  from  military  duty,  by  law.  The 
regiment  was  made  up  of  companies,  as  follows :  — 
Comp.  Ward  No.  1.  Capt.  Stephen  T.  Olney. . 

"      No.  1.  Ward  No.  2  — Col.  A.  D.  Hodges, 
Lt.  Com.  Joseph  W.  Taylor. 

"      No.  2.  Ward  No.  2.  Capt.  James  M.  Earle. 

"      Ward  No.  3  — Capt.  James  Shaw. 

"      No.  1.  Ward  No.  4  —Capt.  Benj,  M.  Lind- 
sey. 

«      No.  2.  Ward  No.  4.  — Captain  Samuel  T. 
Thurber. 

«      Ward  No.  5 —  Capt.  James  C.  Hidden. 

"  Ward  No.  6  — Capt.  Smith  Bosworth. 
The  whole  number  enrolled  in  the  regiment,  was 
about  one  thousand  men.  Many  of  this  number 
however  were  persons  far  passed  the  period  of  active 
military  service,  and  were  expected  only  to  appear  in 
the  field  in  case  of  a  sudden  or  pressing  immergency. 
But  there  mustered  for  duty  in  the  city,  five  hundred 
members,  who  were  on  guard,  or  other  duty,  some- 


156  APPENDIX. 

times  to  the  number  of  three  hundred,  or  more  at  a 
time,  day  and  night.  At  the  same  time  there  were 
one  hundred  and  eight  of  the  members,  volunteers,  at 
Woonsocket,  in  two  companies,  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Stephen  T.  Ohjey,  and  Hiram  Hill,  fifty  at 
Pawtucket  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Edward  R. 
Young  and  a  company  of  about  seventy  at  Johnston 
under  the  command  of  Capt.  James  M.  Earle.  The 
regiment  therefore  mustered  an  effective  force  of  a  few 
more  than  seven  hundred  men. 

The  Kentish  Guards,  stationed  at  Pawtucket,  un- 
der the  command  of  Col.  Allen  mustered  50  men. 

The  United  Train  of  Artillery,  Col.  Bradford 
Hodges,  at  Pawtucket,  mustered  about  30. 

The  Carbineers  under  Capt.  OIney,  also  at  Paw- 
tucket, mustered  56. 

Tiverton  Volunteer  Guards,  Capt.  Durfee  —  45. 

Pawucket  and  Central  Falls  Volunteers,  Capt.  Pot- 
ter —  50. 

Making  in  all,  281. 

By  the  foregoing  account,  it  will  be  seen  that  there 
was  an  effective  force  in  the  field,  of  about  twenty 
eight  hundred  men,  exclusive  of  officers  ;  besides 
which,  were  the  Pawtuxet  Artillery,  seventy  strong 
posted  in  Pawtuxet  on  guard  duty,  to  enforce  martial 
law,  and  probably  some  small  volunteer  corps  not  en- 
umerated. The  force  therefore  would  not  vary  much 
from  three  thousand. 


APPENDIX.  157 

Previous  to  the  closing  session  of  the  Landholders' 
Convention,  March,  1842,  and  as  a  measure  of  concili- 
ation, the  General  Assembly,  after  hiving  rejected  a  bill 
for  the  direct  extension  of  suffrage,  passed  the  following 
act: 

"  All  persons  now  qualified  to  vote,  and  those  who 
may  be  qualified  to  vote  under  existing  laws  previous  to 
the  time  of  such  their  voting,  and  all  persons  who  shall 
be  qualified  to  vote  under  the  provisions  of  such  [named 
in  the  preamble]  constitution,  shall  be  qualified  to  vote 
upon  the  question  of  the  adoption  of  said  Constitution." 
By  reference  to  that  constitution,  it  will  be  seen  that  its 
provisions  amounted  very  nearly  to  universal  suffrage. 

At  the  same  session,  the  Assembly  passed  the  follow- 
ing Preamble  and  Resolutions. 

State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations^ 

In  General  Assembly,  January  Session,  1842. 

Whereas  a  portion  of  the  People  of  this  State,  without 
the  forms  of  law,  have  undertaken  to  form  and  establish 
a  Constitution  of  Government  for  the  People  of  this 
State  ;  and  have  declared  such  Consittutioii  to  be  tlie 
Supreme  Law ;  and  have  communicated  such  Constitu- 
tion unto  this  General  Assembly  ;  and  whereas  many  of 
the  good  People  of  this  State  are  in  danger  of  being 
misled  by  these  informal  proceedings;  therefore, 

It  is  hereby  Resolved  by  this  General  Assembly,  That 
all  acts  done  by  the  persons  aforesaid  for  the  purpose  of 
imposing  upon  this  State  a  Constitution,  are  an  assump- 
tion of  the  Powers  of  Government, —  in  violation  of  tfie 
rights  of  the  existing  Government,  and  of  the  rights  of 
the  people  at  large. 

Resolved,  That  the  Convention  called  and  organized 
in  pursuance  of  an  act  of  this  General  Assembly,  for  the 
purpose  of  forming  a  Constitution  to  be  submitted  to  the 
People  of  this  State,  is  the  only  body  which  we  can  re- 
cognize as  authorized  to  form  such  a  Constitution ;  and 
to  this  Constitution  the  whole  People  have  a  right  to 

14 


158  APPENDIX. 

look,  and  we  are  assured  they  will  not  look  in  vain,  for 
such  a  form  of  Government  as  will  promote  their  peace, 
security  and  happiness. 

Resolved,  That  this  General  Assembly  will  maintain 
its  own  proper  authority,  and  protect  and  defend  tlie  legal 
and  constitutional^  rigiits  of  the  People. 
True  copy :  witness, 

HENRY   BOWEN,  Secretary. 


RESOLUTIONS 
ADOPTED   BY  THE    RHODE   ISLAND   SUFFRAGE  AS- 
SOCIATION, JANUARY  20,  1842. 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  statement  recently  made  and 
repeated  in  the  General  Assembly,  by  Representatives 
from  this  city,  and  by  other  members,  that  the  People  of 
this  city  and  State,  in  their  recent  vote  for  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  they  have  adopted,  did  not  vote  for  the  same 
with  the  desire  or  expectation  that  the  satiie  would  be 
carried  into  effect,  and  that  they  voted  merely  to  express 
an  opinion  in  favor  oi  an  extension  of  Suffrage  by  a 
higher  authority,  —  is  a  direct  insult  to  the  People,  and 
is  totally  unfounded  and  false;  and  that  we  respond, 
heart  and  soul,  as  one  man,  to  the  unalterable  determi- 
nation avowed  by  our  Convention,  to  establish,  sustain, 
and  defend  our  entire  Constitution  by  all  necessary 

MEANS  ;    PEACEABLY  IF  WE  CAN,  FORCICLY  IF  WE  MUST. 

-2.  Resolved,  That  the  Resolutions  adopted  by  the 
General  Assembly,  on  the  28th  day  of  January,  wherein 
the  proceedings  of  the  great  majority  of  the  People,  in 
forming  and  adopting  a  Constitution,  are  described  as 
the  proceedings  of  a  portion  only  of  the  same,  as  dan- 
gerous and  contrary  to  law,  as  a  usurpation  of  the  pow- 
ers of  government,  and  in  violation  of  the  rights  of  the 
People  at  large,  and  requiring  to  be  suppressed  by  the 
hand  of  authority  and  of  force  —  are  a  daring  invasion 
of  the  Rights  of  sovereignty,  vested  by  the  principles  of 
our  government,  in  the  People  of  this  State, —  are  false 
in  fact,  and  at  war  with  the  doctrines  of  a  Democratic 


APPENDIX.  159 

Republic,  here  founded  and  sustained  by  our  venerable 
ancestors,  —  are  worthy  of  the  dark  aojes  of  monarchical 
oppression  and  misrule,  —  and  justly  entitle  their  authors, 
and  their  aiders,  abettors  and  supporters,  to  the  contempt 
and  execration  of  the  People  of  our  State. 

3.  Resolved,  That,  while  we  regard  these  and  all  sim- 
ilar ebulitions  of  the  rage  of  an  expiring  faction,  with 
the  feelings  which  they  so  justly  deserve,  and  are  ready 
to  aid  in  consigning  the  partizans  of  that  faction  to  the 
political  doom  which  is  their  due,  and  which  so  speedily 
avyaits  them  at  the  hands  of  the  People  of  this  State,  we 
are  also  prepared  to  meet  the  threatened  action  of  the 
Assembly,  and  to  repel  force  by  force. 

4.  Resolved,  That  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  this  State  to  molest  or  injure  any  man  for  the 
expression  of  his  opinion  upon  our  Constitution,  or  for 
his  aid  and  support  in  carrying  the  same  into  effect,  shall 
be  promptly  counteracted  and  suppressed  by  the  strong 
arm  of  the  People. 

5.  Resolved,  That  to  the  execution  of  the  foregoing 
resolutions  we  pledge  our  truth,  our  substance,  and  if 
need  be,  our  lives. 

6.  Resolved,  That  a  Committee  of  Public  Safety  and 
Correspondence  be  forthwith  raised  in  each  war<l  ot  this 
city;  and  that  it  be  recommended  to  our  brethren  in  all 
towns  of  the  Slate  to  raise  similar  Committees  without 
delay. 

7.  Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  Resolutions  be 
signed  by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  issued,  to- 
gether with  the  Resolutions  from  Warwick,  in  an  Exti»a, 
for  distribution  through  the  State. 

J.  A.  BROWN,  Chairman. 

F.  L.  Beckford,  Secretary. 


Extract  from  Resolutions  passed  at  Warwick, 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  be  compelled,  by  threats, 

which  the  General  Assembly,  or   any  other  person,    by 

their  order,  may  see  fit  to  hold  over  us,  to  abandon  the 

People's  Constitution,  or  any  part  of  it,  or  to  with- 


160  APPENDIX. 

draw  our  aid  and  assistance  in  putting  the  new  govern- 
ment under  it,  into  full  operation. 

Resolved,  That,  while  we  will  abstain  from  all  offen- 
sive collision  with  the  lean  minority  who  oppose  the 
People's  Constitution,  we  will  be  found  ready  to  aid 
in  carrying  the  new  Government  into  effect  by  all  neces- 
sary measures  in  our  power. 

From  resolutions  passed, at  Woonsocket. 

Resolved,  That  the  General  Assembly  cannot  by  any 
legislative  act,  increase  or  diminish  the  validity  of  the 
People's  Constitution. 

Resolved,  That  "the  people  by  adopting  the  present 
Constitution,  have  virtually  annulled  and  made  void  all 
existing  acts  of  the  General  Assembly  providing  for  a 
convention  to  form  a  Constitution ;  and  should  such 
convention  re-assemble,  we  shall  regnrd  it  as  a  faction 
putting  at  defiance  the  known  will  of  the  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  despise  and  hold  in  utter  contempt, 
all  threats  and  denunciations  from  whatever  source  they 
may  emanate,  put  forth  for  the  purpose  of  overawing 
the  public  and  suppressing  public  sentiment. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  recent  efforts  of  a  por- 
tion of  our  General  Assembly  to  perpetuate  the  present 
unequal  system  o(  government,  as  the  phrenzied  acts  of 
an  expiring  aristocracy,  making  war  upon  the  inaliena- 
ble rights  of  the,  people,  and  designed  to  screen  their 
authors  from  that  merited  and  inevitable  doom,  that 
speedity  awaits  them  at  the  hands  of  the  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  heartily  respond  to  the  resolutions 
passed  by  the  people  in  different  sections  of  the  state, 
expressing  their  firm  determination  to  carry  into  effect 
the  People's  Constitution,  and  hereby  declare  that  we  are 
ready  to  perform  any  labors,  to  make  any  Constitutions, 
to  encounter  any  difficulties,  to  meet  any  dangers,  and 
make  any  sacrifices  that  the  cause  may  require. 

Resolutions  of  a  similar  character  were  passed  in  sev- 
eral other  places ;  and  in  conformity  with  them,  it  soon 
became  common  to  talk  of  arming,  to  carry  out  their 
spirit. 


APPENDIX.  161 

The  following  is  the  first  section  of  the  bill  respecting 
the  right  of  suffrage^ introduced,  by  Judge  Pitman  into 
the  General  Assembly,  and  passed  by  the  Senate,  at  the 
January  session,  1811.  The  remaining  sections  were 
designed  merely  to  guard  this  one  against  abuses. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  by  the 
authority  thereof  it  is  enacted,  That  every  white  male 
citizen  of  this  state,  who  iias  attained  to  the  age  of  twen- 
ty-one years,  and  who  is  rated  for  a  poll  or  property  tax, 
or  who  is  or  has  been  enrolled  in  the  militiaof  this  state, 
shall  be  hereafter  entitled  to  vote  for  general  officers  of 
this  state,  and  for  persons  to  represent  the  respective 
towns  in  General  Assembly :  Provided,  That  no  citizen 
shall  be  entitled  to  vote  by  virtue  of  his  being  or  having 
been  enrolled  in  the  militia,  who  is  exempted  from  mili- 
tary duty  in  consequence  of  any  bodily  defect  or  infirmi- 
ty ;  Provided  also.  That  no  citizen  shall  be  entitled  to 
vote  in  any  town  for  the  officers  or  persons  aforesaid, 
except  the  one  wherein  such  citizen  shall  have  been  a 
resident  for  the  space  of  one  year  next  preceding  the 
time  of  such  voting;  And  provided  alicays,  That  every 
citizen,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  entitled  to  vote  as 
aforesaid,  notwithstanding  he  may  not  have  been  ad- 
mitted a  freeman  in  any  town  in  this  state. 


The  issuing  ot  the  following  documents,  was  the  first 
active  measure   of  a  defensive  character,  on  the  part  of 

the  Executive. 

[official.] 

BY  HIS  EXCELLENCY, 
SAMUEL  WARD  KING. 

Governor,  Captain  General  and  Commander-in-Chief  of 

the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations. 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas  sundry   persons,   citizens  of  this  State,  or- 

residents  within  the  same  are  conspiring  and  confederat- 

14* 


162  APPENDIX. 

ing  to  usurp  the  government  thereof —  are  deceived  and 
seducing  honest  and  well-meaning  citizens,  under  vari- 
ous pretences,  to  engage  in  said  criminal  enterprise, 
contrary  to  the  laws  in  such  cases  made  and  provided : 

And  whereas  the  General  Assembly  of  our  said  state, 
&t  the  session  holden  on  the  fourth  Monday  of  March 
last,  passed  and  enacted  the  following  Resolution,  viz  : 

Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  be  re- 
quested to  issue  his  proclamation  to  the  good  people  of 
this  State,  exhorting  them  to  give  no  aid  or  countenance 
to  those  who,  in  violation  of  the  law,  may  attempt  to  set 
up  a  government  in  opposition  to  the  existing  government 
of  this  state,  and  calling  upon  tiiem  to  support  the  con- 
stituted authorities  for  the  preservation  of  the  public 
peace,  aud  in  the  execution  of  those  laws  on  which  the 
security  of  all  depends. 

I  do,  therefore,  issue  this  my  Proclamation,  warning 
and  admonishing  all  faithful  citizens  who  have  been  led, 
without  due  knowledge  or  consideration,  to  participate 
in  the  said  unlawful  enterprise,  to  withdraw  from  the 
same  without  delay  ;  and  requiring  also  all  persons 
whomsoever,  eng;iged  or  concerned  in  the  same,  to  cease 
all  further  proceedings  therein,  as  they  will  answer  the 
contrary  at  their  peril.  And  I  hereby  enjoin  and  require 
all  Judges,  Justices  of  the  Peace,  Sheriffs,  Deputy  Sher- 
iffs, and  Constables,  and  all  Military  Officers,  within 
their  respective  departments,  and  according  to  their 
several  functions,  to  be  vigilant  and  firm  in  detecting  and 
bringing  to  condign  punishment  all  persons  engaged  or 
concerned  in  such  enterprise. 

And  furthermore,  I  do  hereby  exhort  all  the  good 
people  of  this  state,  that  they  give  no  countenance  to 
said  unlawful  enterprise,  but  that  they  do  by  their  advice 
and  example,  aid  and  support  the  civil  authority  in  its 
exertions  to  suppress  ail  unlawful  combinations,  and 
maintain  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  State. 

In  testimony  whereof,  1   have   caused  the  seal  of  said 

state  to  be   affixed   to   these   presents,  and  have 

signed  the   same   with   my  hand.     Given   at  the 

[l.  s.  ]  city  of  Providence  on  the  fourth  day  of  April,  in 

the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hun- 


APPENDIX.  163 

dred  and   forty.two,  and  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States  of  America  the  sixty-s?ixth. 
SAMUEL  WARD  KING. 
By  his  Excellency's  command  : 
Henry  Bow  en, 
Secretary  of  State. 


ORDERS. 

Adjutant  Genekal's  Office, 
Providence,  April  4,  1842. 
Sir  :  —  You  are  hereby  ordered  forthwith  to  assemble 
the  men  under  your  command,  and  direct  them  to  be  in 
readiness  at  thirty  minutes'  warning,  armed  and  equip- 
ped, to  obey  such  orders  as  you  may  receive  from  the 
Commander-in-chief. 

You  are  also  ordered  to  report  to  this  Department, 
immediately  after  the  above  Eneeting,  the  number  of  rank 
and  file  under  your  command,  with  a  statement  ot  their 
arms  and  equipments. 

By  order  of  his  Excellency, 

SAMUEL  WARD  KING. 
Governor  and  Commander-in-chief. 
Elisma  Dyek,  Jr., 
Adjutant  General  of  Rhode  Island. 


Copy  of  an  original  Order  found  in  Dorr's  Camp  after 
its  evacuation. 

Head  Quarters,  Glocester,  June  25,  1842. 
Mr.  Simon  Mathewson  : 

You  are  hereby  directed  on  the  receipt  of  this  to  as- 
semble the  volunteers  of  Scituate  and  form  them  into  a 
company  and  march  forthwith  to  Chepachet,  each  man 


1 64  APPENDIX. 

is  directed  to  bring  two  days  provision,  together  with  all 
the  arms  and  ammunition  possible.* 

The  enemy  threaten  to  attack  us  in  our  entrenchments 
immediately.  Let  every  friend  of  Freedom  be  here 
without  delay. 

CHARLES  E.  NEWELL,  Quarter  Master. 
By  order  of  Gov.  Thomas  W.  Dorr, 

Commander-in-  Chief, 
William  H,  Potter,!  Adjutant  General. 


From  the  JVeic  Jlge  of  December  29,  184L 

FURIOUS  IMBECILITY. 

Never  was  the  old  maxim  more  completely  verified 
than  it  has  been  of  late  in  our  vicinity.  "  Whom  God 
wills  to  destroy,  he  first  deprives  of  his  understanding." 
Our  opponents,  especially  the  writers  in  the  Providence 
Journal,  seem  to  have  partaken  of  the  insane  root; 
which  has  rendered  them  furious  in  their  denunciation, 
at  the  same  time  that  it  has  taken  away  the  remains  of 
sober  judgment  on  all  matters  relating  to  political  reform 
in  this  State.  In  the  intervals  of  rage  they  subside  for  a 
time  into  the  melting  mood,  and  beg  the  suffrage  men, 
with  tears  in  their  eyes,  to  surrender  their  rights,  and  re- 
lapse into  the  old  dominion  of  their  humane  masters. 
Anon  they  storm  and  rage,  draw  the  sword,  touch  off  the 
cannon,  slay  on  paper  the  friends  of  Republican  free- 
dom, and  dance,  with  terrific  agility,  "through  all  the 
mazes  of  metaphorical  crmfusionJ'  This  is  "  the  be- 
ginning of  the  end."  All  seems  to  be  going  on  well. 
The  People  are  coming  up  to  the  work.  Panic  is  writ- 
ten in  lines  not  to  be  mistaken,  upon  the  faces  of  the 
Tories.  They  threaten  bravely  through  fear.  No  one 
heeds  their  idle  raving.s.     Their  impotent  malice  excites 

*"A11  the  arms  and  ammunition  possible."  That  would  in- 
clude all  you  can  buy,  borrow,  beg,  or  steal;  and  probably  the 
Adjutant  General^  and  the  Quarter  Master,  persons  of  muck,. 
though  not  high  celebrity,  would  not  have  been  extremely  fastid- 
ious as  to  which. 

j*  Not  Wm.  H.  Potter^  Esq.,  a  member  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Bar. 


APPENDIX.  165 

pity  only ;  it  is  hardly  polefit  enough  for  contempt.  We 
refer,  in  illustration  of  our  remarks,  to  two  pieces,  side 
by  side,  in  the  Journal  of  Saturday  last  —  the  first  of  the 
threatening  and  exterminating  order,  by  '  Country  Born,' 
and  the  second  one  of  those  pieces  denominated  "  the 
oily  pufF,"  coming  over  us  with  soft  words,  and  highly 
appreciating  the  honest  intentions  of  the  non-freeholders  ! 
Every  thijig  indicates  that  tlie  time  of  the  corruptionists 
is  short,  and  that  they  will  soon  be  consigned,  with  thier 
productions,  to  the  limbo  of  vanity. 


At  a  meeting  in  Johnston,  on  the  fifth  of  February, 
1842,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  we  will  maintain  and  support  the  Peo- 
ple's Constitution,  and  will  resist,  by  all  proper  means, 
the  adoption  of  any,  and  all  other  Constitutions,  except 
in  the  mode  pointed  out  in  the  People's  Constitution. 

Resolved,  That  the  statements  put  forth  by  some  mem- 
bers of  the  General  Assembly,  that  the  People  would  be 
satisfied  if  they  obtained  the  Principles  contained  in  the 
said  People's  Constitution  in  relation  to  Suffrage  and 
representation,  are  false  and  groundless ;  that  we  cannot 
be  cajoled  out  of  our  rights,  and  w411  adhere  to  the  Con- 
stitution, line  for  line,  and  letter  for  letter,  until  altered 
by  the  same  power  that  enacted  it;  and  to  the  carrying 
out  of  the  Constitution  in  its  full  extent,  and  to  its  main-- 
tenance  by  all  necessary  means,  we  pledge  our  fortunes 
and  our  honors. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  threats  of  our  opponents, 
as  the  ebulitions  of  impotent  malice;  but  if  their  auda- 
city should  ever  carry  them  to  the  folly  of  opposing  the 
people  by  force,  we  respond  to  the  sentiment  of  our 
friendg  in  the  other  parts  of  the  State,  and  will  repel, 
force  by  force. 

EPHRAIM  WINSOR,  Chairman, 

At  a  meeting  in  Smithfield,  on  the  fifth  of  February, 
1842,  it  was 
Resolved,  That  we  respond  heart  and   soul,  as  one.  ^ 


166  APPENDIX. 

man,  lo  the  unalterable  determination  avowed  by  our 
Convention,  to  establish,  sustain  and  defend  our  entire 
Constitution  by  ail  necessary  means. 

Resolved,  Thiit  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  this  State,  to  molest  or  injure  any  man  for 
the  expression  of  his  opinion  on  the  part  of  our  Consti- 
tution, or  for  his  aid  and  support  in  carrying  the  same 
into  effect,  shall  be  Btrongly  counteracted  and  suppressed 
by  the  strong  arm  of  the  people,  under  our  Constitution 
and  the  law  of  the  land. 

PA  LEMON  WALCOTT,  Chairman. 

At  a  meeting  in  Newport,  on  the  fifth  day  of  Febru- 
ary, 1842,  Dutee  J.  Pearce,  Milton  Hall,  and  others, 
were  appointed  to  report  Resolutions,  who  reported  the 
following,  which  were  unanimously  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  which  we  have 
adopted,  ought  to  be,  must  be,  and  will  be  maintained, 
until  by  the  people  it  shall  be  abolished  or  amended  in 
the  way  which  its  own  provisions  prescribe. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  readily  co-operate  with  our 
fellow  citizens  throughout  the  State,  in  devising  and  ex- 
ecuting the  measures  necessary  for  the  preservation  of 
their  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  if 
need  be,  to  provide  new  guards  for  their  security. 

At  a  meeting  in  Tiverton,  on  the  seventh  of  Febru- 
ary, 1842,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  our  Constitution  must  and  shall  be 
sustained  by  all  necessary  means,  peaceably  if  it  may  be 
so,  forcibly  if  not. 

At  a  meeting  held  in  Burrillville,  (one  of  the  largest 
meetings  ever  held  in  that  town,)  on  the  second  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1842,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  we  cheerfully  respond  to  the  resolu- 
tions passed  by  the  Warwick  and  Rhode  Island  Suffrage 
Association,  in  Providence,  and  will  lend  all  necessary 
aid  in  our  power,  to  carry  the  Government,  under  the 
People's  Constitution,  into  successful  operation. 


APPENDIX.  I6t 

At  a  meeting  in  Bristol,  on  the  seventh  of  February^ 
1842,  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Sovereignty  of  the  People  shall  be 
maintained,  and  that  all  laws,  enactments  and  resolutions, 
repugnant  to  the  People's  Constitution,  will  be  consid-' 
ered  by  us,  illegal  usurpation. 

Resolved,  That  the  will  of  the  People,  as  contained 
in  their  Constitution,  is  the  paramount  law  of  this  State, 
and  that  we  will  take  all  proper  measures  to  protect  it  as 
such,  and  to  effect  ils-permanent  establishment  and  bind- 
ing legality  as  the  supreme  law  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations. 

At  a  meeting  at  the  Toxvn  House,  Providence,  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  February,  1842,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  trusting  in  the  goodness  of  our  cause, 
and  in  the  union,  harmony,  and  energetic  determination 
of  its  friends,  we  bid  defiance  to  all  influences  of  any 
kind  which  can  be  brought  to  bear  against  us,  and  that 
we  know  of  no  real  friend  of  our  republican  constitu- 
tion, who  can  be  deterred  or  driven  from  its  support. ' 

At  a  meeting  on  Cumberland  Hill,  March  1st.  1842, 
it  was 

Resolved,  That  we  will  sustain  the  People's  Constitu- 
tion by  every  means  which  the  love  of  liberty  may  inspire 
in  the  human  bosom. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  currently  reported  that  the  expir- 
ing aristocracy  of  R.  1.  have  already  visited  the  states  of 
New  York  and  Massachusetts  requesting  military  aid 
t6  chain  the  free  spirit  of  Rhode  Islanders ;  we  look 
upon  the  measures  as  an  evidence  of  their  fears  and 
are  resolved  that  in  this  case  the  fears  of  the  wicked 
shall  come  upon  them. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  peaceably  submit  to  the  au- 
thorities of  this  state  until  a  cerlaifl  day  named  in  the 
people's  constitution,  when'  we  will  not  be  governed  by 
any  other  power  but  such  as  is  provided  by  the  constitu- 
tion unless  forced  by  the  strong  arm  of  Power. 

Resolved,  That  the  time  may  come  when  further  for- 
bearance may  cease  to  be  a  virtue,  and  we  shall  consider 
that  time'  as  arrived  whenever  there  is  any  hindrance  to 
the  peaceable  action  of  the  people's  constitution. 


168  APPENDIX. 

Resolved,  That  we  stand  ready  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing, with  our  lives  and  honor,  to  carry  into  full  effect 
the  people's  constitution  according  to  the  conditions  of 
the  same,  unless  otherwise  ordered  by  the  General  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Nation. 

At  a  meeting  held  at  Woonsocket,  February  twenty- 
six,  1842,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  People's  Constitution  will  be 
maintained  at  all  and  any  haz;ird. 

Resolved,  Tliat,  we,  as  one  man,  will,  by  every  means 
in  our  power,  oppose  the  adoption  of  this  spurious  con- 
stitution, nor  abate  our  efforts  until  it  shall  be  one  of 
the  things  that  were. 

At  a  meeting  at  the  Town  House,  Providence,  April 
first,  1842,  the  following  resolution,  offered  by  Mr.  Dorr, 
was  unanimously  passed  : 

Resolved,  That  any  attempt,  under  color  of  a  pretend- 
ed law,  or  otherwise,  to  deprive  the  citizens  of  their 
right  peaceably  to  assemble  and  elect  their  officers  under 
said  Constitution,  or  to  molest  the  persons  so  elected, 
shall  be  counteracted  by  all  such  means  as  the  occasion 
shall  demand. 

The  following  resolutions  were  passed  at  regularly 
called  meetings  of  the  party  on  Thursday  evening  April 
seventh  : 

Resolved,  That  we  the  friends  of  the  People's  Con- 
stitution of  this  state,  proceed  to  orga,nize  ourselves  into 
military  companies.  And  that  we  hereby  agree  to  equip 
and  place  ourselves  under  the  command  of  the  person 
who  may  be  elected  to  command  the  said  companies, 
for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  lives  and  property  of 
our  friends  and  fellow  citizens  in  this  city  and  state. 

Resolved,  That  we  the  people  of  the  Sixth  Ward,  will 
nominate  our  Warden,  Clerk,  Justices  of  the  Peace,  and 
two  citizens  to  be  elected  Representatives  to  the  General 
Assembly  ;  and  that  we  will  protect  and  defend  them  in 
the  discharge  of  their  duty,  against  ail  power  or  force 
which  may  attempt  to  molest  them,  both  by  day  and 
night ;  and  that  we  will  guard  the  polls  on  the  eighteenth 
for  that  purpose. 


APPENDIX.  169 

Resolved,  That  to  preserve  peace,  it  is  necessary  to 
prepare  for  war;  and  for  that  purpose  we  hereby  pledge 
ourselves  to  form  two  volunteer  companies  of  the  citi- 
zens ol  this  ward  of  one  hundred  men  each,  and  that  we 
will  submit  to,  and  obey  in  true  military  style,  the  com- 
mands and  orders  of  the  officers  who  may  be  chosen  in 
comniand. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  each  friend  of  the 
People's  Constitution,  to  provide  himself  with  a  good 
rifle  or  musket,  and  at  least  forty  ball  cartridges,  so  that 
he  may  be  ready  to  defend  his  rights  at  ttcenty  minutes 
warning. 


P.  S.  From  the  period  of  Mr.  Dorr's  flight  from  Che- 
pachet,  up  to  the  present  time,  [July  21,]  the  public  have 
had  no  certain  tidings  of  him.  Though  rumor  has  been 
extremely  busy  in  attempting  to  point  him  out,  and  many, 
no  doubt,  tempted,  by  the  reward  of  five  thousand  dollars 
for  his  apprehension,  would  be  happy  to  shake  hands 
with  him,  he  has  eluded  all  inquiries,  and  kept  himself 
invisible.  Whether  he  has  remained  secreted  in  any  one 
j)lace,  or  kept  on  the  move  from  place  to  place,  unseen, 
or  has  left  the  country,  is  a  problem  that  remains  to  be 
solved.  What  was  the  plan  of  arrangements  made  by 
him',  for  carrying  on  the  war,  if  he  had  made  any,  the 
public  have  never  been  distinctly  apprised  from  any 
official  souice.  There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  from 
hints  thrown  out  by  many  of  his  adherents,  and  open 
declarations  from  others,  that  the  first  movement,  after 
he  should  have  found  himself  sufficiently  strong  to  make 
it,  was  to  be,  on  the  city  of  Providence.  Such  a  move- 
ment would  certainly  have  been' vitally  essential  to  his 
cause,  and  that  at  an  early  period;  because,  without  it, 
he  could  not  have  obtained  possession  of  a  dollar  of  the 
15 


170  APPENDIX, 

public  property,  nor  commarided  supplies  Pbi  his  troops. 
He  seems  to  have  believed  that  the  city  would  be  surren- 
dered to  him  nl  most  without  resistance;  but  lie  was  much 
disappointed  on  finding  what  a  small  number  of  the  citi- 
zenswould  join  him,  and  more  especially  chagrined  and 
astonished,  at  the  ease  and  readiness  with  which  Gov. 
King  embodied  a  military  force,  for  offensive  or  defen- 
sive operations,  amounting  to  three  thousand  men. 

Whatever  were  Dorr's  intentions,  had  the  city  been 
captured  by  him,  we  know  not.  But  several  gentlemen 
residents  of  the  city,  were  warned  by  others  friendly 
to  them,  and  in  the  secrets  of  the  camp  at  Chetachet,  or 
assuming  and  presumed  to  be  so,  to  leave  the  city  by  a 
certain  time;  or,  if  they  would  not  themselves  leave,  ai 
least  to  send  out  their  families.  That  many  of  Dorr's 
adherents  expected  the  city  to  be  given  up  to  plunder  for 
twenty-four  liours,  and  its  fair  daugiiters  into  their  brutal 
hands,  is  known  from  their  own  declarations,  and  might 
have  been  fully  apprehended  from  their  well  known  char- 
acter. And  these  are  men  whom  Dorr  himself  could 
not  have  controlled,  had  he  possessed  the  inclination  to 
do  so.  The  prisoners  captured  were,  most  of  them,  this 
class  of  men,  whose  tender  mercies  would  have  proved 
cruelties;  and  whose  triumph,  had  it  occurred,  no  doubt 
would  have  been  characterised  by  the  most  ferocious 
brutality ;  for  it  cannot  be  disguised,  that,  by  far  the 
greater  portion  of  the  Dorr  party,  abandoned  by  most  of 
the  respectable  suffrage  men,  had  become  neither  more 
nor  less  than  an  irresponsible  and  unptincipled  mob. 
This  statement  challenges  denial ;  and  so  true  is  it,  that 
even  the  officers  in  command  in  his  camp,  and  who  sur- 
rounded his  person,  with  two  or  three  exceptions,  were 
men  with  whom  no  reputable  person  who  knew  them, 
eren  of  their  own  party,  would  associate. 


APPENDIX.  171 

In  making  these  statements,  the  writer  has  no  spleen 
to  vent,  and  no  private  or  party  objec  to  advance.  They 
are  made  because  they  are  known  to  be  true;  not  only 
by  the  writer,  but  by  this  whole  community ;  and  would, 
if  necessary,  be  attested  by  two-thirds  of  the  suffrage 
^arty  of  Rhode  Island ;  and  to  them  he  would  confi- 
dently appeal,  for  the  truth  or  falsity  of  the  foregoing 
work,  as  it  relates  to  the  doings  of  that  party,  and  the 
manner  in  which  they  have  been  deceived  and  imposed 
on  by  a  few  political  demagogues,  with  Thomas  W. 
Dorr  at  their  head;  and  who  came  in  at  the  eleventh 
hour,  to  promote  their  own  objects  of  private  ambition. 


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